Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт
The term σάγαρις is analysed in the article. This word was used in Classical sources to designate a specific Scythian weapon — a battle-axe. The lexical history of the word, its meaning and translation, as well as the ways of representation of Scythian battle-axes in ancient art and their archaeolog...
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| author_institution_txt_mv | [
{
"author": "H. V. Vertiienko ",
"institution": "PhD, Senior Research Fellow, Department of Eurasian Steppe, A. Yu. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine; Academic Visitor, the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Oxford",
"orcid": ""
}
] |
| author_sort | Vertiienko , H. V. |
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| container_end_page | 46 |
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| container_start_page | 23 |
| container_title | Археологія |
| container_volume | |
| datestamp_date | 2025-04-11T19:22:19Z |
| description | The term σάγαρις is analysed in the article. This word was used in Classical sources to designate a specific Scythian weapon — a battle-axe. The lexical history of the word, its meaning and translation, as well as the ways of representation of Scythian battle-axes in ancient art and their archaeological realities are discussed. |
| doi_str_mv | 10.15407/arheologia2025.01.023 |
| first_indexed | 2026-08-07T01:05:51Z |
| format | Article |
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НАЦIОНАЛЬНА АКАДЕМIЯ НАУК УКРАЇНИ • IНСТИТУТ АРХЕОЛОГIЇ НАН УКРАЇНИ
НАУКОВИЙ ЖУРНАЛ – ЗАСНОВАНИЙ У 1947 р.
ВИДАЄТЬСЯ ЩОКВАРТАЛЬНО
КИЇВ 1 2025
АРХЕОЛОГIЯ
Головний редактор
ЧАБАЙ В. П., член-кореспондент НАН України, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
Редакцiйна колегiя
БОЛТРИК Ю. В., кандидат iсторичних наук, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
БУЙСЬКИХ А. В., член-кореспондент НАН України, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
ГАРДІ С. Е., PhD, Університет ім. Рея Хуана Карлоса, Іспанія
ДЖIНДЖАН Ф., професор, доктор хаб., почесний професор унiверситету Париж 1 Пантеон
Сорбонна, Францiя
ЗАЛIЗНЯК Л. Л., професор, доктор iсторичних наук, Нацiональний унiверситет
«Києво-Могилянська академiя»
КАЙЗЕР Е., професор, доктор хаб., Вiльний унiверситет Берлiну, Німеччина
ОТРОЩЕНКО В. В., професор, доктор iсторичних наук, Нацiональний унiверситет
«Києво-Могилянська академiя»
ПЛАВІНСЬКИЙ М. О., кандидат історичних наук, Варшавський університет, Польща
ПОТЄХIНА I. Д., кандидат iсторичних наук, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
РАБІНОВІЦ А., PhD, Техаський університет в Остіні, Сполучені штати Америки
ФОРНАСЬЄ Й., професор, доктор хаб., Галле-Віттенбергський університет імені Мартіна Лютера,
Німеччина
ШЕВЧЕНКО T. М., кандидат історичних наук, Інститут археології НАН України (вiдповiдальний секретар)
NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF UKRAINE • INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY NAS OF UKRAINE
SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL – FOUNDED IN 1947
FREQUENCY: QUARTERLY
Editor-in-Chief
CHABAI V. P., Corresponding Member of the NAS of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology
of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Editorial Board
BOLTRYK Yu. V., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
BUISKYKH A. V., Corresponding Member of the NAS of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
DJINDJIAN F., Professor, Dr. Hab., Professor of the University of Paris 1 Pantheon Sorbonne, France
FORNASIER J., Professor, Dr. Hab., Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Germany
HARDY S. A., PhD, Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain
KAISER E., Professor, Dr. Hab., Free University of Berlin, Germany
OTROSHCHENKO V. V., Professor, DSc in History, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
PLAVINSKI M. O., PhD in History, University of Warsaw, Poland
POTEKHINA I. D., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
RABINOWITZ A., PhD in Classical Archaeology, University of Texas at Austin, the USA
SHEVCHENKO T. M., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine (Executive Secretary)
ZALIZNIAK L. L., Professor, DSc in History, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
ARHEOLOGIA
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VERTIIENKO H. V. Scythian σάγαρις: Word —
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ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 1 23
УДК:[003.626:7.032:904.22](395) https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2025.01.023
*VERTIIENKO Hanna Volodymyrivna — PhD, Senior
Research Fellow, Department of Eurasian Steppe,
A. Yu. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, the National
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine; Academic Visitor, the
Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of
Oxford, ORCID: 00-0002-2104-0058, vertana77@gmail.
com, hanna.vertiienko@ames.ox.ac.uk
SCYTHIAN ΣΆΓΑΡΙΣ:
WORD — IMAGE — ARCHAEOLOGICAL OBJECT
© H. V. VERTIIENKO* 2025
Lexical History of the Word σάγαρις
The Greek Etymological Dictionary compiled
by R. Beekes contains this word. There can be
only found that it is a “foreign word without an
etymology” (Beekes 2010, II, p. 1300; cf.: Chan-
traine 1999, p. 983). Some scholars believed
that σάγαρις does not have an Indo-European
origin. However, according to G. Alessio there
is a similarity between σάγαρις and Latin sagitta
‘arrow’, as well as the non-Indo-European
Berberian *zaġāya ‘spear’, and Old Hebrew səḡōr
‘spear/javelin’ or a ‘battle-axe’ (Alessio 1944,
p. 142-143; see also: Pisani 1947, p. 142-143) in
Psalm 35.32. The last was originally translated as a
‘weapon’ and later as a ‘spear’ (‘javelin’, ‘lance’,
‘pike’)3, which seems somewhat strange, since the
word ‘spear’ (ḥă-nîṯ) comes before it4. The old
translation made in 1883 by F. Delitzsch in his
commentary to this fragment of the Psalm directly
compared this word with σάγαρις (Delitzsch 1883,
p. 302; see also: Nicolsky 1927, S. 89, Anm. 5;
cf.: Keel 1997, p. 221). The other similar word
is Assyrian šukurru, traditionally translated as an
‘axe’. However, the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary
translates this word as ‘spear’ (CAD, 17, p. 23-
25). This šukurru is probably related to Latin
secūris ‘axe’ (de Vaan 2008, p. 550) and Proto-
Slavic *sekyra ‘axe’ (Георгиев 1953, с. 109)5,
from which various designations of this weapon
2 See: https://biblehub.com/text/psalms/35-3.htm https://
biblehub.com/psalms/35-3.htm#lexicon https://www.
studylight.org/commentary/psalms/35-3.html
3 See: https://biblehub.com/parallel/psalms/35-3.htm
4 See, for example: Goldingay 2006, p. 487 and fn. ‘b’; Sutton
2018, p. 269; Simango 2022, p. 434, 450. For explanation
of səḡōr as an ‘axe’, see: Keel 1997, p. 221. In Psalm 35.1-
3 YHWH it is described with the defensive (‘shield’ and
‘buckler’) and offensive (‘spear' and ‘axe/javelin/pike' (?))
weapons. For this case Othmar Keels gives as a parallel of
the Egyptian representation of Ebla’s god Reshef shown
with shield, a spear and a battle-axe on the New Kingdom
stela, Chicago Oriental Institute no. 10569 (Keel 1997,
p. 220, fig. 302).
5 This scholar even proposes an Indo-European loan of
Assyrian šukurru and Old Hebrew səḡōr. In my opinion,
such an assumption seems very improbable. Cf. Pisani
1947, p. 143.
The term σάγαρις is analysed in the article. This
word was used in Classical sources to designate a
specific Scythian weapon — a battle-axe. The lexi-
cal history of the word, its meaning and transla-
tion, as well as the ways of representation of Scyth-
ian battle-axes in ancient art and their archaeo-
logical realities are discussed.
K e y w o r d s: battle-axe, σάγαρις, Scythians,
Classical sources, lexical history, ancient art,
iconography.
In the focus of the article1 is the term σάγαρις
— a word used in Classical sources to designate
a specific Scythian weapon. Scholars who
have studied the Scythian language have never
considered this word (see: Абаев 1979; Тохта-
сьев 2005; Кулланда 2016). The goal of this study
is fourfold: to establish the lexical history of the
word; to clarify its meaning and translation; to vi-
sualise this type of weapon in ancient art, and to
determine the archaeological, social and function-
al aspects of the object.
1 The article was written during my research stay at the
Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University
of Oxford (UK) and the JESH Fellowship at the Institute
of Iranian Studies of the Austrian Academy of Sciences
(Vienna) in 2024. Preliminary results of this research
were presented at the International Scientific Conference
Ver Kyiviens (Sub Umbra Castanearum) “Ancient World,
Middle Ages, Early Modern Times: History, Religion,
Culture”, 18-19 May 2023 (Taras Shevchenko National
University of Kyiv) (Вертієнко 2023b, с. 11-13) and at the
seminar of the Institute of Iranian Studies of the Austrian
Academy of Sciences on 4 April 2024. I am deeply thankful
to Velizar Sadovski (Vienna) and Yuhan Vevaina (Oxford)
for useful suggestions, comments and reading the draft
of the article. I am also grateful to Jacob Jan de Ridder
(Leipzig) for Assyriological consultations.
This is an Open Access article under the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode.uk
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 124
developed in many Slavic languages, in particular,
Ukrainian sokyra (Фасмер 1987, III, с. 592-593).
It should be also emphasised for this case to Slav.
*sěkti ‘to cut, mow’ (Derksen 2008, p. 446) and
Latin secō ‘to cut, mow, sever’ which could be
compared with Heb. śakkīn, Aram. sakkīn (de
Vaan 2008, p. 550-551).
There are two independent words for an ‘axe’ in
the Greek lexicon. The first, ἀξἴνη (Liddell, Scott
1996, p. 170), has a similarity to the Akkadian
word ḫaṣṣinu ‘axe’ (CAD, 6, p. 133)6 (cf.: Aram.
ḥaṣṣīnā), which has led scholars to stress of its bor-
rowing from Semitic languages (Szemerényi 1971,
p. 656; Chantraine 1999, p. 875) or, more rarely,
vice versa. However, R. Beekes believes that “the
Semitic and Greek words are loans from an Anato-
lian language” (Beekes 2010, I, р. 111). The sec-
ond, πέλεκυς (Liddell, Scott 1996, p. 1357; Boisacq
1938, p. 761-762), has also long been compared
with Akkadian pilakku which, despite the richness
of the lexicon is associated with the nomination
‘axe’7, denoted not an ‘axe’, but a ‘spindle’ (CAD,
12, p. 371-373; Kogan, Krebernik 2020, p. 252).
The Meaning and Translation of the Word
σάγαρις
According to the Greek Dictionary by
H. G. Liddell and R. Scott σάγαρις is a ‘single-
edged weapon’ used by Scythians and some other
tribes (Liddell, Scott 1996, p. 1579; cf.: Beekes
2010, II, p. 1167). As well, the new Cambridge
Greek Lexicon translated it as a ‘light battle-
axe, used especially by Scythians and Persians,
sharpened along one edge’ (ed. Diggle 2021,
p. 1257). This word had already existed in the
Greek Lexicon by Hesychios from Alexandria,
who lived between the 5th and 6th centuries AD.
The meaning is given there as a ‘single-edged
axe’ (σάγαρις · πελέχιον μονύστομον. [φαρέτρα.
ἂροτρον] (Hesch., Lexicon, 16.1)).
Ancient authors (primarily Herodotus and
Xenophon, see below) refer to σάγαρις as a
weapon of various Iranian-speaking peoples:
Scythians (Herod., Hist., IV, 5.3; 70; Aristarch.,
Comment. Herod., 10-12; Pollux, I, 138), Sakai
(Herod., Hist., VII, 64.2), Massagetae (Herod.,
6 The similarity of the Akkadian word ḫaṣṣinu with the
denotation of ‘iron’ in some Iranian languages should be
also noted: Khot. hīśśana-; Kurdish hāsin, ḥesin (Peyrot,
Dragoni, Bernard 2022, p. 413).
7 Apart from ḫaṣṣinu, it is also kalmakru, magšaru, pāšat
(pāštu and pāšū) and zaḫaṭû (Middle Babylonian).
Hist., I, 215.1; Strabo XI, 8.6), Amazons (Xen.,
Anab., IV, 4.16; Aristarch., Comment. Herod., 10-
12; Strabo XI, 5.1, 8)8, Persians (Xen., Cyr., I, 2.9;
II, 1.9, 1.16; IV, 2.22; VIII, 8.23; Anab., IV, 4.16;
Strabo, XV, 3.19), and Massynoice (Xen., Anab.,
V, 4.13). Also, the word σάγαρις is used in some
other contexts in Athenaeus’ ‘The Deipnosophists’
(12.40) (as the name of the king of the Mariandyni),
Lucian’s ‘Anacharsis’ (32) (as a weapon for young
warriors’ trainings), and the Greek Anthology
(6.94) (epigram). Totally Thesaurus Linguae
Graecae has 54 times of using the word σάγαρις
in the texts of 21 authors9. Chronologically, the last
mention of σάγαρις can be considered the Byzan-
tine Lexicographical Lexicon of Suda (10th cen-
tury AD), where it is labelled as ‘a cutter, or an
axe’(κοπίς, ἢ πέλεκυς) (sigma 15.1)10.
Let us look through the occurence of σάγα-
ρις in Herodotus’ “Histories”. As for the Scythi-
ans, Herodotus mentioned σάγαρις twice (Herod.,
Hist., IV, 5.3 and IV,70, see: table 1). In both cases
he described specific rituals.
The first case concerned the genealogical
legend on origin of the Scythians from the three
sons of a semilegendary king Targitaus. We
learned that the youngest son, Colaxais, took up
the golden gifts and among them was a weapon
σάγαρις. Then his older brothers agreed to bestow
the whole kingdom of Colaxais. After that these
golden heavenly gifts were honoured by Scythians
every year (Herod., Hist., IV.7).
“According to the Scythians, theirs is the young-
est race of people, and they arose as follows. The
first man to be born in their then-uninhabited re-
gion was named Targitaus. They insist, though I
don’t believe it, that his parents were Zeus and a
daughter of the Borysthenes river. This Targitaus,
supposedly born of these parents, had three sons
— Lipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais, who was the
youngest. During their reign, golden implements
fell into Scythia from the sky: a plough, a yoke, a
battleaxe, and a cup. The oldest son was the first
to see this and ran up to gather the objects, but as
8 In Pseudo-Callisthenes’ “Alexander Romance” (III, 27)
the term ἀξἴνη is used instead of σάγαρις to distinguish
the Amazon’s ‘axes’ (ὅπλοις δὲ ἐχρῶντο ἀργυραῖς ἀξίναις
“And they use as weapons silver battle-axes”) (https://
www.attalus.org/greek/alexander3d.html).
9 See: https://stephanus.tlg.uci.edu/index.php
10 Cf. Photius, Lexicogr. et Scr. Eccl. Lexicon, sigma, 12.1,
495.18; Gr. Pardus, Gramm. De Dialectis, 4.629; Anonym.
Lexicographus, Lexicogr., sigma 3; Lexica Segueriana,
Lexicogr., sigma 360.24; Scholia in Xenophontem, Sch. Cyri,
4.4.16, 1; 5.4.13, 1.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 1 25
he approached the gold burst into flame. When he
drew back, the second son came forward, and the
same thing happened to him. After Lipoxais and Ar-
poxais were repelled by the burning gold, Colaxais
advanced, and the fire went out, whereupon he took
up the golden hoard and brought it home. At this,
his older brothers agreed between themselves to
bestow the whole kingdom on Colaxais” (Herod.,
Hist., IV.5; after: Herodotus 2013, p. 174-175).
In the second case, the σάγαρις is listed among
other weapons, without specifying its material.
These weapons were ritually stuck into a certain
vessel, the so-called κύλιξ, in private rite of
“fraternisation”, during which an oath contract
was made (Herod., Hist., IV.70).
“Scythians who exchange oaths do as follows.
The respective parties pour wine into a large ce-
ramic bowl, puncture with an awl or cut with a
knife a small section of their flesh and mix their
blood into the wine. Then they dip a sword, some
arrows, a battleaxe, and a javelin into the bowl.
When this has been done, they utter many prayers,
and then those who are exchanging the oath, along
with their most trusted followers, drink the mixture
of wine and blood” (Herod., Hist., IV.70; after:
Herodotus 2013, p. 189).
Let us now see the ways how σάγαρις is
represented in different translations of Herodotus
(in table 1 they are given in chronological order). In
the selected English editions, it may be noticed that
most scholars give the translation of σάγαρις as a
‘battle axe’. A. D. Godley once gives the translation
a ‘sword’. R. Waterfield leaves the word σάγαρις
untranslated, as a technical term. The classical Ger-
man translation by J. Feix uses in the first case the
word an ‘axe’ and in the second case the expression
a ‘battle-axe’. In the French translation by P. Giguet,
there is an ‘axe’ in the first case, and ‘axes’ (in the
plural?) in the second. As for the East-Slavic trans-
lations, Ukrainian scholar A. O. Biletskyi translates
σάγαρις as an ‘axe’. The same is true for Russian
translations. However, in one case, the weapon
σάγαρις got an additional adjective, meaning the
translation of σάγαρις as a ‘two-bladed sharp axe’ (in
Russian ‘обоюдоострая секира’) by I. А. Shyshova
(e.g.: Доватур, Каллистов, Шишова 1982, с. 101).
Probably she copied the meaning for σάγαρις, as a
‘double-edged axe’, from I. Kh. Dvoretsky’s Greek
Russian Dictionary (Дворецкий 1958, II, с. 1459).
Before I. Kh. Dvoretsky's dictionary, there was
another Greek Russian Dictionary by A. D. Veysman
published in 1899, where σάγαρις was translated
as an ‘axe’, as a weapon of the Scythians and other
Eastern peoples. In addition, A. D. Veysman defined
σάγαρις as ‘bardysh’ that is to say, a specific one-
bladed axe (comp.: Вейсман 1899, с. 1119).
Indeed, the Greek Dictionary of H. G. Liddle and
R. Scott ends the article on the meaning of σάγαρις,
providing a possible translation as a ‘two-edged axe’
only because of the additional adjective defining ‘axe’
(σάγαριν ἀμφιθηγέα) (Liddell, Scott 1996, p. 1579).
This case is found only in a late poetic work of the 1st
century AD, from the Greek Anthology (FILIPPOU
QESSALONIKEWS, 6.94 — The Greek Anthology
1916, p. 349). Evidence of the existence of such a
two-bladed axe comes also from images of Amazons
depicted with double-bladed axes, which are known
from the Roman period (fig. 1‒4). I. Kh. Dvoretskyi
Fig. 1. Amazons with a double-bladed axe on the mosaic from Antakya (Antiochus on Orontes), 350–400 AD (Paris Louvre, inv.
no. Ma 3457; © Musée du Louvre, after: https://collections.louvre.fr/ark:/53355/cl010277136)
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Table 1. Variants of translations of σάγαρις in Herod., Hist., IV
Translators
Herod., Hist., IV, 5.3:
… ἐπὶ τούτων ἀρχόντων ἐκ τοῦ
οὐρανοῦ φερομένα χρύσεα ποιήματα,
ἄροτρόν τε καὶ ζυγόν καὶ σάγαριν καὶ
φιάλην, πεσεῖν ἐς τὴν Σκυθικήν
Herod., Hist., IV, 70:
… ἀποβάψαντες ἐς τὴν κύλικα
ἀκινάκην καὶ ὀιστοὺς καὶ σάγαριν καὶ
ἀκόντιον
Giguet P. (Histories d’Hérodote
(1860), 220, 240)
... des objets d’or, envoyés par le ciel,
tombèrent en Scythie: une charrue, un
joug , une hache, une coupe.
... Ensuite on plonge dans la terrine
cimeterres, flèches, haches et javelots.
Mishchenko F. G. (Herodot, Istoriya v
devyati knigakh (1888), 305, 334)
… упали с неба на скифскую землю
золотые предметы: плуг, ярмо,
секира и чаша.
… погружают в чашу меч, стрелы,
секиру и метательное копье.
Godley A. D. (Herodotus, In Four
Volumes (1928), 203, 269)
… fell down from the sky into Scythia
certain implements, all of gold, namely,
a plough, a yoke, a sword, and a flask.
… into a great earthenware cup…dip a
scimitar and arrows and an axe and a
javelin.
Stratanovskiy G. A. (Herodot, Istoriya
v devyati knigakh (1972), 188, 204)
… на Скифскую землю с неба упали
золотые предметы: плуг, ярмо,
секира и чаша.
… в чашу погружают меч, стрелы,
секиру и копье.
Dovatur A. I. et al. (Dovatur, Kallistov
and Shishova, Narody nashei strany
(1982), 101, 125)
… на скифскую землю упали
сброшенные с неба золотые предметы:
плуг с ярмом, обоюдоострая секира
и чаша.
… погружают в килик акинак,
стрелы, двойную секиру и дротик.
Bіletskyi A. O. (Herodot, “Istorii” v
deviaty knyhakh (1993), 181, 195—196)
…з неба впали на скіфську землю
зроблені з золота плуг, ярмо, сокира
і чаша.
…занурюють у глек меч, стрілу,
сокиру і дротик.
Feix J. (Herodot, Historien (2006),
507, 553)
... goldene Werkzeuge vom Himmel in
das Land der Skythen: ein Pflug, ein
Joch, ein Beil und eine Schale.
... dann tauchen sie Schwert, Pfeile,
Streitaxt und Wurfspieß in den Becher.
Waterfield R. (Herodotus, The
Histories (2008), 236, 257)
… there fell from the sky on to the
Scythia four golden implements: a
plough, a yoke, a sagaris, and a cup.
… they dip into the cup an akinakes,
some arrows, a sagaris, and a javelin.
Blanko W. (Herodotus, The Histories
(2013), 175, 189)
… golden implements fell into Scythia
from the sky: a plough, a yoke, a
battleaxe, and a cup.
… they dip a sword, some arrows, a
battleaxe, and a javelin.
Holland T. (Herodotus, The Histories
(2014), 264, 287)
… four objects fashioned out of gold
— a plough, a yoke, a battleaxe and
a cup — were borne down to Scythia
from the sky.
… they dip into the cup a scimitar,
some arrows, a battleaxe and a javelin.
might have been influenced by this material (cf.:
Potratz 1963, p. 126-127).
The “doubtful” translation of the word
σάγαρις led to the hypothesis raised by some
Scythologists who interpreted σάγαρις exclusively
as an axe with two blades. The very few numbers
of archaeological finds of Scythian two-bladed
axes in the Northern Black Sea region (Шеле-
хань 2012, с. 5-6; Daragan, Polin 2023 p. 18-19,
34-35 (nos. 28–31)) gave additional reasons to
V. A. Kisel to argue that Herodotus’ description
did not refer to the “Black Sea Scythians”, but to
much more eastern tribes of Siberia and Central
Asia. Thus, this scholar considers the σάγαρις
to be an eastern type of weapon, a pickaxe (Ки-
сель 1997; 2008, с. 110-112; 2015, с. 414). The
same object, the pickaxe, is also designated with
the Russian word chekan11. Unfortunately, similar
trends recently became widespread12. This is
reflected even in catalogues of exhibitions like
the one under the title “Scythians: Warriors of
Ancient Siberia” (eds. Simpson, Pankova 2017).
11 This type of axes needs to be discussed separately and
cannot be associated with σάγαρις (Bittner 1987, S. 177,
Taf. 14.2, 25, 39.2; Potts 2012, p. 465-466; Вертієнко
2023а, с. 231, 233).
12 M. M. Darahan and S. V. Polin (2023, p. 1-2, 8, 41, fn. 2) also
unreservedly accept the translation of σάγαρις as a “double-
sided axe” and link the findings of double axes (labrys-type)
in several Scythian burials to the ritual described by Herodotus
(Hist., IV, 70). They “return” the Scythians to the Black Sea
Scythia. I.e. these authors, like V. A. Kisel, a priori take a
doubtful translation of σάγαρις as a “double-sided axe”, trying
to link it with real archaeological finds.
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In my opinion, this is based not only on historical
and archaeological evidence, but also on political
narratives that have certain foundations in Russian
culture (see, e.g.: Солнцева 2010, с. 147-159;
Христолюбова 2011, с. 43-48). However, not all
scholars translated σάγαρις in such a way. As can
be evidenced in the article by B. А. Litvinsky and
I. V. Piankov the word σάγαρις was interpreted as
a simple single-bladed axe (Литвинский, Пьян-
ков 1966, с. 39).
The tendency to interpret the σάγαρις as a
pickaxe exists in a series of articles published
by V. P. Nikonorov who examined the data on
the combat use and cult of the axe among the
Scythians and other Central Asian peoples based
on archaeological, written, and visual sources
(Никоноров 2014; 2015; Nikonorov 2014). In
particular, he tried to correlate the known types
of “Scythian axes” with the term σάγαρις and
concludes as follows: “a comparative analysis
of information from the ancient tradition and
images of Central Asian and Persian warriors
on Achaemenid reliefs and seals, as well as in
ancient vase paintings, suggests that the word
Fig. 2. Amazons with a double-bladed axe on the Roman Amazonensarkopag, 320 AD. © Wien Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv.
no. I 169, photo by the author
Fig. 3. Bust of Amazon Smyrne with a double-axe on a bronze
coin, Smyrna, Ionia, 2nd — 3rd centuries AD, after: ed. Tsangari
2011, p. 217, fig. 461
Fig. 4. Amazon Smyrne with a double-axe on a bronze coin,
Smyrna, Ionia, 2nd — 3rd centuries AD, after: ed. Tsangari
2011, p. 217, fig. 460
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σάγαρις meant a specific type of battle axes that
are typical for the Eastern peoples exclusively
— pickaxes with straight and curved narrow
blades”13 (Никоноров 2015, с. 398; cf.: Нико-
норов 2014, с. 105). Let us look at this claim in
more detail. For the most part, the conclusions of
this researcher seem reasonable, although there
are provisions that seem debatable. V. P. Niko-
norov continued to interpret the weapon in the
hand of the central character on the gold plate
of a female headdress from the Sakhnivka bar-
row (4th century BC, Cherkasy Oblast, Ukraine;
Вертієнко 2015, с. 68, мал. 54, 54a; Vertiienko
2021, p. 260-261, fig. 1–3) as an image of an axe
(Никоноров 2015, с. 414) (fig. 5). I cannot agree
with this interpretation, because it is based on
an incorrect drawing made by D. S. Raevskii in
1977 (Раевский 1977, с. 99, рис. 9; 2006, с. 126,
рис. 9, 128; cf.: Вертієнко 2015, с. 69, мал. 55,
55c) (fig. 6: b–c). Indeed, the very first drawing
of the object in an article jointly published by
S. S. Bessonova and D. S. Raevskii in the same
year did not contain any axe (Бессонова, Ра-
євський 1977, c. 42, рис. 2) (fig. 6: a). In fact,
D. S. Raevskii simply added the (single) blade
on the second drawing14, which he then used in
13 Hereinafter translated from Russian and Latin by H. V. Ver-
tiienko.
14 It is known that the plate was curled up in situ (Вертієнко 2015,
с. 67, мал. 511, 512 (bibliography); cf.: c. 70). However, when
it was unfolded it got six fractures. D. S. Raevskii could have
seen this plate between two restorations and perhaps these visual
effects and folds influenced what he rendered in his drawing.
his monograph (even for frontpiece)(see: Раев-
ский 1977, с. 99, рис. 9 and the cover, reprinted
in: Раевский 2006, с. 126, рис. 9; 128). Unfor-
tunately, this “upgraded” second drawing was re-
peatedly copied in many following articles and
books. To my mind, it should be taken out from
the list of illustrations of the axe in Scythian art
(see: Vertiienko 2021, p. 261, fig. 3).
It is worth noting that in battle scenes the axes are
shown with the fighting part down15. In other cases,
V. P. Nikonorovʼs quotes insufficiently weighty, and
sometimes he uses emotions rather than academic
arguments to prove his interpretations. For instance,
trying to confirm that the gold plaques from the
mound no. 1 near the Aksiutyntsi village (4th cen-
tury BC, Sumy Oblast, Ukraine) show a Scythian
holding an axe, not a bow or musical instrument, he
notes that “it is difficult to imagine that an aristo-
cratic warrior or a legendary hero could be depict-
ed in Scythian art with a peaceful harp in his hands
instead of a weapon” (Никоноров 2015, с. 414,
прим. 35) (fig. 7). However, let us recall the im-
age of a Scythian musician with a harp-type chordo-
phone instrument on the abovementioned Sakhniv-
ka plate (Олійник 2003, с. 40-54; Вертиенко 2010,
с. 320-332; Вертієнко 2015, с. 100-102, мал. 84,
85; Vertiienko 2021, p. 260-261, fig. 1–3) (fig. 8).
Analysing the message of Quintus Curtius
Rufus: “Dona nobis data sunt, ne Scytharum gentem
15 See the images of the Scythians with axes on a bowl from
the barrow no. 3 in the “Chastye kurgany” group 4th century
BC) (Алексеев 2012, с. 246, fig. 29, 30; Артамонов 1966,
рис. 198).
Fig. 5. Sakhnivka gold plate, 4th century BC (© The Treasury of the National Museum of History of Ukraine, inv. no. DM-1639,
36.5 × 9.8 cm), photo by D. D. Klochko
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Fig. 6. a — the first drawing, after: Бессонова, Раєвський 1977, с. 42, рис. 2, b — a drawing after: Вертієнко 2015, с.. 69, мал.
55в; Vertiienko 2021, p. 261, fig. 3; c-d — an artificial image of an axe in the hand of a Scythian, after: Раевский 1977, с. 99,
рис. 9 (c), and Никоноров 2015, с. 410, рис. 5.9, Русяєва 1997, с. 49, рис. 2 (d)
Fig. 7. Gold plaque from the barrow no. 1 near Aksiutyntsi
village (4th century BC), after: Никоноров 2015, цв. табл. 24.2
Fig. 8. Scythian musician with a harp on the gold Sakhnivka
plate, after: Толочко, Мурзін 1991, с. 378
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ignores, iugum boum et aratrum, sagitta, hasta,
patera” — “Gifts have been given to us, so that
the Scythian race is not ignored, a yoke for oxen, a
plough, an arrow, a spear and a bowl” (Curt. VII, 8,
17–18; cf.: Куртций Руф 1993, с. 160, cf.: Хазанов
1975, с. 45, 46), V. P. Nikonorov rightly compares
its content with the Scythian “genealogical legend”
according to Herodotus (Herod., Hist, IV, 5) (see:
Ivantchik 1999, p. 141-192), seeing here references
to golden heavenly gifts and writes that “...instead
of an axe, there is an arrow (sagitta) — an obvious
close connection with the ‘Greek’ version of the
Scythian genealogical legend by Herodotus, which
refers to a bow” (Herod., Hist., IV, 9.5; 10.1) (Нико-
норов 2015, с. 397). In my opinion, it is rather not a
reference to the “Hellenic” version of the Herodotus
legend, but a distortion of the original Greek word
σάγαρις by the Latin sagitta, which may have an
etymological connection with it.
The fact that σάγαρις is a type of an axe is
unambiguously indicated by Herodotus himself
when describing the weapons of the Sacae, whom
he identifies with the Scythians: “Σάκαι δὲ οἱ
Σκύθαι περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κυρβασίας ἐς ὀξὺ
ἀπηγμένας ὀρθὰς εἶχον πεπηγυίας, ἀναξυρίδας δὲ
ἐνεδεδύκεσαν, τόξα δὲ ἐπιχώρια καὶ ἐγχειρίδια,
πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἀξίνας σαγάρις16 εἶχον” — “The
Scythian Sacae wore stiff, peaked, felt caps and
leather pants, and tarried native bows, daggers
and ‘sagaris’ or battleaxes”17 (Herod., Hist., VII,
64.2; Herodotus 2013, p. 311). In other words,
this fragment refers to the weapon in the acc. pl.
as ἀξίνας σαγάρις “axes [called] σαγάρις”. In
some Russian translations these two words were
rendered as ‘two-bladed axes’ (Доватур, Кал-
листов, Шишова 1982, с. 163)18 or “sagaris —
[two-bladed] battleaxes”, like, for instance, by
G. A. Stratanovskiy (Геродот 1972, с. 332), which
has led to certain incorrect interpretations in some
works (Кисель 1997; 2008; 2015; Daragan, Polin
2023, p. 1-2, 18, 41, fn. 2).
Another clarification of the type of σάγαρις
can be found in Xenophon’s Anabasis (Xen.,
Anab., IV, 4.16). In the description of the
16 Hereinafter emphasis in bold by H. V. Vertiienko.
17 Cf. “the axes of the shaft, which they call sagaris”
(Herodotus 1928, III, p. 379); “the battle axes called
sagaris” (Herodotus 2008, p. 430); “battle axes known as
sagaris” (Herodotus 2014, p. 473); Геродот 1993, с. 316.
See also: How, Wells 1912, II, p. 155.
18 It should be noted that F. G. Mishchenko believed that
ἀξίνας σαγάρις are the names of two different types of
weapons: “...axes, sagarins” (Геродот 1888, II, с. 167). Cf.
his translations in table 1 above.
captured Persian warrior, a list of his weapons
is given, which included a ‘Persian bow’ (τόξον
Περσικὸν), a ‘quiver’ (φαρέτραν) and a ‘(hatchet-)
σάγαρις, like the Amazons’ (σάγαριν οἵανπερ
καὶ αἱ Ἀμαζόνες) (сf.: Ксенофонт 1951, с. 108;
Thomas 2021, p. 127). Commenting on this
passage, M. І. Maksimova notes that “with this
remark Xenophon shows some familiarity with
art. Xenophon must have remembered the images
of Amazons and Persians on the famous frescoes
of Polygnotus, Mykon and Panenos in the ‘Motley
Stoa’ in Athens” (Ксенофонт 1951, с. 272, прим.
18).
The Battle-Axe (σάγαρις) in Ancient Art
The analysis of ancient sources shows that
the Ancient Greeks had knowledge of σαγάρις
as a specific type of battle-axes depicted on
monumental friezes (fig. 9–10), bronze items
(fig. 11) and vase paintings among the Amazons
(fig. 12–15) (see also: Tyrrell 1984; Man 2017.
Сf.: Фіалко 2023, с. 115; рис. 2, von Bothmer
1957, pl. LXX, 5b; LXXII, 1; LXXIII, 2; LXXIV,
2; LXXVI, 1c; LXXVII, 1, 2; LXXX, 3; LXXXI,
2–4; LXXV; LXXXVI, 2, 5a; Lissarrague 1990,
p. 181, fig. 102, 103; p. 185, fig. 107; p. 186,
fig. 109; Fantham 1995, p. 133, fig. 4.4), Persians
(vase painting (cf.: Beckwith 2023, p. 11, fig. 4.)
and decoration of the so-called Alexander’s
sarcophagus(see also: Houser 1998, p. 281-291))
(fig. 16–22), and Scythians (fig. 23–26)19.
Images of similar weapons carried by Amazons
can also be found on the so-called Graeco-Scythian
toreutics of the 4th century BC (cf.: Никоноров
2015, с. 410-411, рис. 5). These are the images
of an Amazon armed with a single-bladed axe on
a golden sword scabbard from the Chortomlyk
(fig. 27) and on the gold plate from the Velyka
Blyznytsia mound (fig. 28). The images of Scythian
warriors leaning with the same single-bladed axes
19 At the same time, depictions of Greek warriors or heroes
with a battle-axe are rare. It can be pointed to the image
of a Lapith warrior armed with a battle-axe (labrys-type)
in Centauromachy scene on the Attic red-figure volute-
krater (5th century BC) Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York, Rogers Fund, 1907 (07.286.84) (https://www.
metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/247964). Other
examples are the scenes of Theseus killing Procrustes
with a labrys-type axe, e.g.: Attic red-figure bell-crater
in the Wien Kunsthistorischen Museum, inv. no. IV 321
(5th century BC) and red-figured kylikes, London BM
1850,0302.3 (https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/
object/G_1850-0302-3) or E. 36 (Hölscher 2019, S. 88,
Abb. 39).
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Fig. 9. Amazon with a battle axe. Marble slab of the ‘Amazon
frieze’ of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus. Sculptor Pytheos
(?), the 4th century BC; London, inv. no. BM 1847,0424.4; ©
The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under CC BY-
NC-SA 4.0 licence
Fig. 10. Amazon with a battle axe. Marble slab of the ‘Amazon
frieze’ of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus. Sculptor Pytheos
(?), the 4th century BC; London, inv. no. BM 1879,0515.1; ©
The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under CC BY-
NC-SA 4.0 licence
are represented on a silver gilded bowl from the
barrow no. 3 of the “Chastye kurgany” group (4th
century BC, Voronezh district, Russia) (fig. 29, 30).
One of the most “mysterious” images is the one
of the Scythian warriors on the silver gilded cover
of a gorytos from the Solokha mound (4th century
BC, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine), where the
last figure from the left side in the battle scene is
a young beardless Scythian with long hair. He is
armed with a single-bladed axe in his right hand
and a wicker shield on his left one (fig. 31) (see:
Манцевич 1987, с. 73-75, кат. 53; Никоноров
2015, с. 401, рис. 2, 5; Ермоленко 2019, с. 222-
223; Полидович 2019, с. 249; Cunliffe 2021,
p. 344-345). When Yu. В. Polidovych analysed
this warriorʼs weapons, he wrote the following:
“the axe held by the warrior is not typical for
the archaeological/ethnographic reality of the
Scythians as we know it (unlike other weapons
present in the battle scenes). Not Scythians,
but Amazons (in another interpretation —
Arimaspians, barbarians) were depicted with
such axes both on toreutics objects (sheaths from
the Chortomlyk, Chaian and the 8th kurgan from
Five Brothers’ mounds; a headdress from Velyka
Blyznytsia) and in vase painting. All of this, in my
opinion, indicates that on the gorytos there was
depicted not a warrior equivalent to others, but
a mythological character” (Полидович 2019,
с. 249).
However, according to the abovementioned
written testimony of Xenophon, one can conclude
that not only mythical Amazons, but also Iranian
warriors were armed with similar single-edged
axes σάγαρις (Xen., Anab., IV, 4.16). As well, in
ancient art it may be noticed that the similar battle-
axes can be found on images of Amazons, Persian
and Scythian warriors, including the gorytos from
the Solokha mound.
The Archaeological, Social and Functional As-
pects of Scythian Battle-Axes
Considering Scythian battle axes without
mentioning the archaeological aspect is not
appropriate. In the Northern Black Sea region,
the single-bladed axes prevailed during the 6th —
4th centuries BC (fig. 32)20. Approximately fifty
20 Cf.: the form of the silver model of a Persian battle axe
from the Alexander’s sarcophagus (fig. 22).
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Fig. 11. Bronze plate (part of equestrian equipment?) depicting
an Amazon with a battle axe and a bow. Peloponnesus, the 4th
century BC, London, inv. no. BM 1906,0425.6; after: Marshall
1909, p. 158, fig. 11 and © The Trustees of the British Museum.
Shared under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 licence
Fig. 12. Depiction of an Amazon with a battle axe and a bow
on a red-figure vessel. Attica, the 5th century BC, New York,
inv. no. MMA 56.171.42, accessed: https://bit.ly/3Z2XTwL
Fig. 13. Depiction of the Amazons with battle axes on a red-figured dinos. Attica, the 5th century BC, London, inv. no. BM
1899,0721.5; © The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 licence
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Fig. 14. Mythological scene depicting Hercules’ meeting with the queen of the Amazons, Hippolyta. Some of the surrounding
Amazons are armed with battle axes. Red-figure crater painting Southern Italy, Apulian, the 4th century BC, New York, inv. no.
MMA 19.192.81.1, accessed: https://bit.ly/3LEu1nq
single-bladed axes of different types21 and only
four double-edged ones (Шелехань 2012, с. 5-6;
Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 18; 19; 34: 28, 29; 35:
30, 31; 41) are known (for Scythian battle axes,
see: Іллінська 1961, с. 27-52; Мелюкова 1964,
с. 65-68; Черненко 1980, с. 88; Грицюк 2009;
Шелехань 2012, с. 3-13; Шелехань 2016, с. 15-
28; Фіалко 2023, с. 113-126; Daragan, Polin
2023, p. 1-47. For early Caucasian prototypes,
see: Погребова 1969, с. 169-187). However, the
Scythian monumental sculpture demonstrates
different types of axes (Ольховский, Евдокимов
1994, с. 71, 72, табл. 16; 89: 1; 94: 8; 102: 20; 121:
71; 129: 74; 133: 78; 134: 79; 136: 81, 83; 139:
86; 160: 120; 175: 149; Ольховский 2005, с. 172,
ил. 21; Молев, Молева 2013, с. 218, рис. 3, 5,
6; с. 173, ил. 22; с. 222, ил. 79; Шелехань 2010,
с. 36-37). The attention should be drawn to the axe
in the burial of a Scythian aristocratic warrior in
the Talaievskyi mound (4th century BC, Western
Crimea, Ukraine) (Никоноров 2015, с. 400-401;
рис. 2: 1–4; Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 37, no. 45)
(fig. 33) which is like a σάγαρις-type weapon in
art. Another example of a similar type of axes is
a single-bladed bronze “votive” battle-axe from
the mound no. 18, burial no. 2 near Lvove village
21 The newest list collected by M. M. Darahan and S. V. Polin
(2023, p. 28-39, table 1) includes 54 finds.
(4th century BC, Kherson Oblast, Ukraine) (Dara-
gan, Polin 2023, p. 12-16, fig. 11; 28: 3)22 (fig. 34).
One more sample is the image of the similar axe on
the “Borysphenes” coins from Olbia (4th century
BC, Mykolaiv Oblast, Ukraine) (see: Daragan, Po-
lin 2023, p. 19-22)23 (fig. 35). It should be noted
that the Lvove mound is located only 109 km
from Olbia and could belong to a tribal chief who
exerted military control over Olbia and its chora
(Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 22). There is also an axe
shown on the gold medallion from Chersonesos
(4th century BC (?), Western Crimea, Ukraine)
(fig. 36). The axe on this medallion find similarity
with the image of an axe in the hand of a Scythian
on the coins from Kerkinitis (300–290 BC, Western
Crimea, Ukraine) (fig. 37).
It should be considered that according to
conclusion of M. M. Darahan and S. V. Polin,
who studied the role of the axes in the Scythian
burial rites of the 5th — 4th centuries BC, “all the
22 B. Brentjes (1996, p. 46) compared the axe from Lvove with
a similar axe represented as an attribute of god Allat (shown
in Parthian dress) depicted on the so-called “Kerberos relief”
from the Temple I of Hatra in Mesopotamia (2nd century
AD) (Dirven 2013, p. 150, 158, fig. 7).
23 Cf.: the image of an Amazon’s battle axe on the relief from
Magnésie du Méandre (temple d’Artémis Leucophryène),
200–190 BC (Paris Louvre, inv. no. Ma 2881.27; Dist.
GrandPalaisRmn / Hervé Lewandowski, accessed: https://
collections.louvre.fr/ark:/53355/cl010252236).
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Fig. 15. Image of an Amazon with a battle axe on the white
background lekythos. © Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum,
inv. no. IV 3742, photo by the author
Fig. 16. Image of a Persian with a battle axe on the red-figure
amphora, the 5th century BC, Athens, after: Koch, Rehm 2006,
S. 164
Fig. 17. Image of a Persian with a battle axe and a bow on
the red-figure kylix, the 5th century BC, after: Hölscher 2019,
S. 152, Abb. 61
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Fig. 18. Image of a Persian with a battle axe, Apulian amphora, the 4th century BC, after: Heydemann 1883, Falttafel
Fig. 19. Image of a Persian with a battle axe on the so-called Alexander’s sarcophagus, Sidon, the 4th century BC, Istanbul, after:
Graeve 1970, Taf. 39; Schefold, Seidel 1968, S. 34
Scythian burials that yielded iron axes belonged
to warriors of relatively low social classes. To
this day, nothing unequivocally ties these axes to
royal status” (Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 22, cf. also:
p. 44). Nevertheless, the images of Scythians with
the battle axes are known on the toreutics from
high elite burials (Solokha, “Chastye kurgany”).
Thus, M. M. Darahan and S. V. Polin also add
that “only the bronze votive axes — also found in
burials of less wealthy warriors — indicate that
the tomb’s incumbents were of higher status than
ordinary warriors” (Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 22)
(such as a “votive” axe from Lvove). Indeed, it is
possible that various types of axes could have an
independent symbolic meaning, marking insig-
nia of power of different levels of the nomadic
military aristocracy: massive and gold-decorat-
ed axes had the highest sacred status and were
symbols of royalty. The well-known example
of such an object is a unique golden axe from
the 1st Kelermes mound (7th century BC), which
is a work of West Asian (Assyrian?) 24 toreutic
masters (Переводчикова 1979, с. 138-155; Чер-
ненко 1987; Кисель 1997). As Ye. V. Chernenko
points out: “During the stay of the Scythians in
the East, the main complex of Scythian offensive
24 For examples of the Assyrian axes in art, see: Herrmann
2017, p. 46, fig. 42 (a fragment of an incised ivory panel
from Bagdad, the National Museum ND 1715a); p. 47,
fig. 44 (a panel from the Nabu temple); a wall panel relief,
London BM 124801a, depicting the battle of Til-Tuba (the
battle of the Ulai River) (https://www.britishmuseum.org/
collection/object/W_1851-0902-8-a). A. Kavak also stressed
two sources with the representations of the king with a bow
and an axe (?) (Kavak 2022, p. 273, 274, photo 8 (Naram-Sin
rock relief at Darband-i-Gawr); p. 274, photo 9 (a stele of the
Babylonian King Marduk-nadin-ahhe)).
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Fig. 20. Image of a Persian with a battle axe on the so-called Alexander’s sarcophagus, Sidon, the 4th century BC, Istanbul, after:
Graeve 1970, Taf. 40 and Schefold, Seidel 1968, S. 35
Fig. 21. Image of a Persian with a battle axe on the so-called Alexander’s sarcophagus, Sidon, the 4th century BC, Istanbul, after:
Graeve 1970, Taf. 42; Schefold, Seidel 1968, S. 6
and defensive weapons was formed, a complex
brought by them in a formed form to the steppes
of the Northern Caucasus and the Northern Black
Sea after their return to these territories” (Чер-
ненко 1987, с. 24). It is obvious that this process
could have been accompanied by military lexicʼs
borrowings, as in the case with σάγαρις which
indicated similarity to Assyrian name of a weapon
šukurru.
Conclusions
The analyses of narrative, visual and
archaeological sources has led to the conclusion
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Fig. 22. Silver model of a battle axe in the hands of a Persian warrior on the north side of the Alexander’s sarcophagus, after:
Hamdy Bey, Reinach 1892, p. 72
Fig. 23. Image of a “Scythian” with a battle axe on the black-
figure kylix from Angers, after: Ivantchik 2006, p. 239, fig. 14
Fig. 24. Image of a “Scythian” with a battle axe on the red-figure
amphora from Munich, after: Ivantchik 2006, p. 211, fig. 5
Fig. 25. Image of a “Scythian” with a battle axe on the red-
figure amphora from Würzburg (L 507), showing a scene of
extispicy, after: Ivantchik 2006, p. 215, fig. 8, Cf.: Hölscher
2019, S. 145, Abb. 56
Fig. 26. Image of a “Scythian” (?) with a battle axe and a
shield, Athens, after: Lissarrague 1990, p. 179, fig. 101
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Fig. 27. Image of an Amazon armed with a battle axe on a
golden sword scabbard from the Chortomlyk mound, the 4th
century BC; after: Алексеев 2012, с. 218
Fig. 28. Image of an Amazon with a battle axe on the
ornamental frieze of a golden plate from the Velyka Blyznytsia
mound, the 4th century BC, after: Калашник 2014, с. 157
Fig. 29. Image of a Scythian leaning on an axe on a silver gilt
bowl from the barrow no. 3 of the “Chastye Kurgany” group,
the 4th century BC, after: Алексеев 2012, с. 246
Fig. 30. Image of a young Scythian leaning on an axe on
a silver gilt bowl from the barrow no. 3 of the “Chastye
Kurgany” group, after: Алексеев 2012, с. 246
that the word σάγαρις should be identified as a
“single-bladed battle axe”. At the same time,
Classical sources give the same term σάγαρις for
the definition of battle axe of all ancient Iranian-
speaking peoples, including the Scythians. The
same weapon is also attributed to the Amazons.
The visual sources in various forms of ancient
art (vase painting, monumental sculpture,
sarcophagus decoration, toreutics) show
more differentiated types of axes for the same
characters, which, nevertheless, in the Classical
and Hellenistic period are united by the fact that
they are single-bladed axes. It is not until the
Roman period that the depictions of a labrys-
axe for the Amazons can be observed. As for
archaeological sources, there are no exact links
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Fig. 31. Depiction of a battle scene on the cover of a gorytos from the Solokha mound, the 4th century BC; after: Фармаков-
ский 1922, табл. VI; Полидович 2019, с. 249, рис. 10
Fig. 32. Typology of the Scythian percussion and chopping
weapons by O. Shelekhan. Group I — battle axes: 1 —
Starsha Mohyla; 2 — Duplynske; 3 — khut. Shumeiko; 4 —
Mala Ofirna, after: Шелехань 2012, с. 4, рис. 1
Fig. 33. Burial of a Scythian warrior with a σάγαρις-type
battle axe from the Talaievskyi mound, the 4th century BC;
after: Никоноров 2015, с. 401, рис. 4.1–4
to the forms represented in art (except for the
axe from the Talaievskyi mound). At the same
time, the known Scythian battle axes, with rare
exceptions, have a single chopping blade, which
undoubtedly brings them closer to the images
of axes in art. Accordingly, the identification of
σάγαρις with the double-bladed battle axe or pick
is debatable. This word seems to have entered
the ancient Greek lexicon from nomadic circles,
most likely from the Black Sea Scythians, as a
borrowing. Possibly, it could have come into
Scythian from Semitic languages during the
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Fig. 34. Axe from the mound no. 18 near Lvove village, the
4th century BC; after: Никоноров 2015, с. 407, рис. 4.10
Fig. 35. “Borysphenes” coins from Olbia, the 4th century BC,
after: Карышковский 1968, табл. I, 1, 2
Fig. 36. Golden medallion from Chersonesus, the 4th century
BC (?), after: Никоноров 2015, с. 405, рис. 5.10
Fig. 37. Image of a Scythian holding a battle axe on the coin
of Kerkinitis, 300–290 BC, after: Daragan, Polin 2023, p. 6,
fig. 4.6
West Asian campaigns of Akkadians during the
7th century BC, as indicated by the similarity of
σάγαρις to Assyrian šukurru and Old Hebrew
səḡōr. Perhaps namely during this time, a battle
axe acquired a special cultic significance in the
Scythian culture, which can be further seen in
Herodotus’ reports (the axe as one of the golden
gifts of heaven and its use in an oath contract).
Archaeological evidence of such sacralisation
could be the golden axe from the 1st Kelermes
mound (7th century BC), produced and decorated
in Western Asia. It should be emphasised that
typologically and functionally, battle axes of the
Scythians and other Iranian-speaking nomads
were quite differentiated weapons, and therefore
the generalised nomination of the name σάγαρις
to all known types of axes is hardly correct.
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Г. В. Вертієнко
Кандидат історичних наук, старший науковий співробітник відділу Євразійського степу, Інститут сходознавства ім.
А. Ю. Кримського НАН України; гостьовий дослідник, факультет азіатських та близькосхідних досліджень, Оксфорд-
ський університет, ORCID 00-0002-2104-0058, vertana77@gmail.com, hanna.vertiienko@ames.ox.ac.uk
СКІФСЬКИЙ ΣΆΓΑΡΙΣ: СЛОВО — ОБРАЗ — АРХЕОЛОГІЧНИЙ ОБʼЄКТ
У статті досліджено термін σάγαρις. Цим словом у класичних джерелах позначали специфічну скіфську зброю — бойову
сокиру. Розглянуто лексичну історію слова, його значення та переклад, а також способи зображення скіфської бойової
сокири в античному мистецтві та її археологічні реалії. Античні писемні джерела містять однаковий термін σάγαρις
для визначення бойових сокир усіх давніх іраномовних народів, включно зі скіфами. Цю саму зброю приписують
і амазонкам. Образотворчі джерела (вазопис, монументальна скульптура, оздоблення саркофагів, торевтика)
демонструють більш диференційовані типи сокир для цих етничних груп, які, попри те, в класичний та елліністичний
період зображуються саме як однолезові сокири. Лише в римський період з’являються зображення сокир-лабрисів у
амазонок. Археологічний матеріал не виявляє точних відповідностей формам, представленим в мистецтві (за винятком
сокири з Талаївського кургану). Водночас відомі скіфські бойові сокири, за рідкісним винятком, мають одне рубаюче
лезо, що зближує їх із зображеннями сокир у мистецтві. Таким чином, σάγαρις слід ідентифікувати як «однолезову
бойову сокиру», і, відповідно, його ототожнення з дволезовою бойовою сокирою або киркою/чеканом, скоріше за
все, є некоректним. Етимлогія σάγαρις дискуційна, але припустимо, що це слово потрапило до давньогрецької мови з
кочового середовища, найімовірніше, від причорноморських скіфів як запозичення. , найімовірніше, від причорноморських скіфів як запозичення. У свою чергу, можливо, воно могло
проникнути у скіфську мову з семітських мов під час передньоазійських походів VII ст. до н.е., на що вказує схожість
σάγαρις з ассирійським šukurru та давньоєврейським səḡōr. Імовірно, саме в цей час бойова сокира набула особливого
культового значення у скіфській культурі, що ми бачимо далі в повідомленнях Геродота (сокира як один із золотих дарів
неба та її використання в клятвеному договорі) (Herod., Hist., IV, 5.3; 70). Утім, типологічно і функціонально бойові
сокири скіфів та інших іраномовних кочівників раннього залізного віку були типологічно диференційованою зброєю, а
тому узагальнена номінація σάγαρις до всіх відомих типів сокир навряд чи є виправдною.
К л ю ч о в і с л о в а: бойова сокира, σάγαρις, скіфи, античні джерела, лексична історія, античне мистецтво, іконо-
графія.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 144
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| id | arheologia-com-ua-article-406 |
| institution | Chemistry, Physics and Technology of Surface |
| issn | 2616-499X |
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| language | English |
| last_indexed | 2026-08-07T01:05:51Z |
| publishDate | 2025 |
| publisher | Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine |
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| spelling | arheologia-com-ua-article-4062025-04-11T19:22:19Z Scythian Σάγαρις: Word — Image — Archaeological Object Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт Vertiienko , H. V. battle-axe, σάγαρις, Scythians, Classical sources, lexical history, ancient art, iconography. бойова сокира, σάγαρις, скіфи, античні джерела, лексична історія, античне мистецтво, іконографія. The term σάγαρις is analysed in the article. This word was used in Classical sources to designate a specific Scythian weapon — a battle-axe. The lexical history of the word, its meaning and translation, as well as the ways of representation of Scythian battle-axes in ancient art and their archaeological realities are discussed. У статті досліджено термін σάγαρις. Цим словом у класичних джерелах позначали специфічну скіфську зброю — бойову сокиру. Розглянуто лексичну історію слова, його значення та переклад, а також способи зображення скіфської бойової сокири в античному мистецтві та її археологічні реалії. Античні писемні джерела містять однаковий термін σάγαρις для визначення бойових сокир усіх давніх іраномовних народів, включно зі скіфами. Цю саму зброю приписують і амазонкам. Образотворчі джерела (вазопис, монументальна скульптура, оздоблення саркофагів, торевтика) демонструють більш диференційовані типи сокир для цих етничних груп, які, попри те, в класичний та елліністичний період зображуються саме як однолезові сокири. Лише в римський період з’являються зображення сокир-лабрисів у амазонок. Археологічний матеріал не виявляє точних відповідностей формам, представленим в мистецтві (за винятком сокири з Талаївського кургану). Водночас відомі скіфські бойові сокири, за рідкісним винятком, мають одне рубаюче лезо, що зближує їх із зображеннями сокир у мистецтві. Таким чином, σάγαρις слід ідентифікувати як «однолезову бойову сокиру», і, відповідно, його ототожнення з дволезовою бойовою сокирою або киркою/чеканом, скоріше за все, є некоректним. Етимлогія σάγαρις дискуційна, але припустимо, що це слово потрапило до давньогрецької мови з кочового середовища, найімовірніше, від причорноморських скіфів як запозичення. У свою чергу, можливо, воно могло проникнути у скіфську мову з семітських мов під час передньоазійських походів VII ст. до н.е., на що вказує схожість σάγαρις з ассирійським šukurru та давньоєврейським səḡōr. Імовірно, саме в цей час бойова сокира набула особливого культового значення у скіфській культурі, що ми бачимо далі в повідомленнях Геродота (сокира як один із золотих дарів неба та її використання в клятвеному договорі) (Herod., Hist., IV, 5.3; 70). Утім, типологічно і функціонально бойові сокири скіфів та інших іраномовних кочівників раннього залізного віку були типологічно диференційованою зброєю, а тому узагальнена номінація σάγαρις до всіх відомих типів сокир навряд чи є виправдною. Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine 2025-03-19 Article Article application/pdf https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/406 10.15407/arheologia2025.01.023 Arheologia; No 1 (2025): Arheologia; 23-46 Археологія ; № 1 (2025): Археологія; 23-46 Археология; № 1 (2025): Arheologia; 23-46 2616-499X 0235-3490 en https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/406/417 Copyright (c) 2025 Arheologia https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode.en |
| spellingShingle | бойова сокира σάγαρις скіфи античні джерела лексична історія античне мистецтво іконографія. Vertiienko , H. V. Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title | Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title_alt | Scythian Σάγαρις: Word — Image — Archaeological Object |
| title_full | Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title_fullStr | Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title_full_unstemmed | Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title_short | Скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| title_sort | скіфський σάγαρις: слово — образ — археологічний обʼєкт |
| topic | бойова сокира σάγαρις скіфи античні джерела лексична історія античне мистецтво іконографія. |
| topic_facet | battle-axe σάγαρις Scythians Classical sources lexical history ancient art iconography. бойова сокира σάγαρις скіфи античні джерела лексична історія античне мистецтво іконографія. |
| url | https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/406 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT vertiienkohv scythiansagariswordimagearchaeologicalobject AT vertiienkohv skífsʹkijsagarisslovoobrazarheologíčnijobʼêkt |