Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми
This study explores the processes of social complexity and urbanisation in the forest-steppe Scythia, arguing that at least some settlements can be classified as urban centres. The article examines fortifications, production centres, trade networks, and ritual spaces as key indicators of urbanisatio...
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"author": "O. O. Bilynskyi",
"institution": "PhD, Associated Professor, the National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”",
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| description | This study explores the processes of social complexity and urbanisation in the forest-steppe Scythia, arguing that at least some settlements can be classified as urban centres. The article examines fortifications, production centres, trade networks, and ritual spaces as key indicators of urbanisation. |
| doi_str_mv | 10.15407/archaeologyua2025.02.005 |
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НАЦIОНАЛЬНА АКАДЕМIЯ НАУК УКРАЇНИ • IНСТИТУТ АРХЕОЛОГIЇ НАН УКРАЇНИ
НАУКОВИЙ ЖУРНАЛ – ЗАСНОВАНИЙ У 1947 р.
ВИДАЄТЬСЯ ЩОКВАРТАЛЬНО
КИЇВ 2 2025
АРХЕОЛОГIЯ
Головний редактор
ЧАБАЙ В. П., член-кореспондент НАН України, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
Редакцiйна колегiя
БОЛТРИК Ю. В., кандидат iсторичних наук, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
БУЙСЬКИХ А. В., член-кореспондент НАН України, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
ГАРДІ С. Е., PhD, Університет ім. Рея Хуана Карлоса, Іспанія
ДЖIНДЖАН Ф., професор, доктор хаб., почесний професор унiверситету Париж 1 Пантеон
Сорбонна, Францiя
ЗАЛIЗНЯК Л. Л., професор, доктор iсторичних наук, Нацiональний унiверситет
«Києво-Могилянська академiя»
КАЙЗЕР Е., професор, доктор хаб., Вiльний унiверситет Берлiну, Німеччина
ОТРОЩЕНКО В. В., професор, доктор iсторичних наук, Нацiональний унiверситет
«Києво-Могилянська академiя»
ПЛАВІНСЬКИЙ М. О., кандидат історичних наук, Варшавський університет, Польща
ПОТЄХIНА I. Д., кандидат iсторичних наук, Iнститут археологiї НАН України
РАБІНОВІЦ А., PhD, Техаський університет в Остіні, Сполучені штати Америки
ФОРНАСЬЄ Й., професор, доктор хаб., Галле-Віттенбергський університет імені Мартіна Лютера,
Німеччина
ШЕВЧЕНКО T. М., кандидат історичних наук, Інститут археології НАН України (вiдповiдальний секретар)
NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF UKRAINE • INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY NAS OF UKRAINE
SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL – FOUNDED IN 1947
FREQUENCY: QUARTERLY
Editor-in-Chief
CHABAI V. P., Corresponding Member of the NAS of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology
of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Editorial Board
BOLTRYK Yu. V., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
BUISKYKH A. V., Corresponding Member of the NAS of Ukraine, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
DJINDJIAN F., Professor, Dr. Hab., Professor of the University of Paris 1 Pantheon Sorbonne, France
FORNASIER J., Professor, Dr. Hab., Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg, Germany
HARDY S. A., PhD, Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain
KAISER E., Professor, Dr. Hab., Free University of Berlin, Germany
OTROSHCHENKO V. V., Professor, DSc in History, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
PLAVINSKI M. O., PhD in History, University of Warsaw, Poland
POTEKHINA I. D., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology of the NAS of Ukraine
RABINOWITZ A., PhD in Classical Archaeology, University of Texas at Austin, the USA
SHEVCHENKO T. M., PhD in History, Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine (Executive Secretary)
ZALIZNIAK L. L., Professor, DSc in History, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
ARHEOLOGIA
KYIV 2 2025
ЗМIСТ CONTENTS
Articles
БІЛИНСЬКИЙ О. О. Процеси урбанізації ран-
нього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісо-
степу: вступ до теми
ФІАЛКО О. Є. Топова жіноча прикраса з кургану
Огуз
ШРАМКО І. Б. Бронзові дзеркала з поховань
курганного некрополя Скоробір
VOZNYI I. P. Familiarising the Population of the
Northern Part of Bukovina with Firearms in the
Second Half of the 14th — 15th Centuries
Discoveries and Recent Finds
ОЗ Дж. Загальна оцінка елліністичної кераміки з
Мири та Андріаке
History of Science
KOROST I. I. The Set of Sites of the Territory and
Vicinity of the Bilsk Hillfort: Main Results of the
Initial Stage of Research
Статтi
BILYNSKYI O. O. Processes of Early Iron Age
Urbanisation of Eastern European Forest-Steppe:
The State of the Art
FIALKO О. Ye. Top Women’s Jewellery From
the Ohuz Kurgan
SHRAMKO I. B. Bronze Mirrors from the Burials
of the Skorobir Necropolis
ВОЗНИЙ І. П. Ознайомлення населення пів-
нічної частини Буковини з вогнепальною
зброєю в другій половині ХІV—ХV ст.
Новi вiдкриття та знахiдки
ÖZ C. A General Evaluation of the Hellenistic
Pottery from Myra and Andriake
Iсторiя науки
КОРОСТ І. І. Комплекс пам’яток території й
округи Більського городища: головні підсумки
робіт на початковому етапі дослідження
5
32
46
68
91
111
Хронiка
До 60-рiччя Iгоря Готуна
Пам’яті Світлани Бессонової
News Review
To the 60th anniversary of Ihor Hotun
In memory of Svitlana Bessonova
147
149
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 2 5
Статтi
УДК:[904’18:364.122.5](292.485)”638”
https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2025.02.005
© BILYNSKYI Oleh Olehovych, 2025 — PhD, Associated
Professor, the National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla
Academy”, ORCID: 0000-0002-5821-5114, o.bilynskyi@
ukma.edu.ua
© Інститут археології НАН України, 2025
PROCESSES OF EARLY IRON AGE
URBANISATION OF EASTERN EUROPEAN
FOREST-STEPPE: THE STATE OF THE ART
O. O. BILYNSKYI
population of temperate Europe were evident not
only in contact with the Mediterranean world, but
also among themselves. All these processes led to
pronounced social inequality and centralisation.
In archaeological sites, this is evident in the
appearance of elite burials, large agglomerations
in terms of area and population, and structurally
complex enclosures. These processes fall under
the term urbanisation (Fernández-Götz 2018).
Urbanisation processes reflected in archaeology
are not only a cultural or economic marker: they
are the product of profound structural changes
in society. As the expert on classical antiquity,
R. Osborne points out, “The formation of denser
population clusters opens up new possibilities
for social interaction which may have cultural
consequences in terms of social structure and
organization or cult practices as well as in terms
of politics or economy” (Osborne 2005, p. 3).
Therefore, urbanisation changes established social
processes, transforming society in the context of
specific conditions.
This study is an attempt to analyse the concept
of urbanisation and outline its archaeological
traces. By characterising the Forest-Steppe Scythia
based on the defined parameters, I will suggest that
at least some centres of the Scythian period can
be considered cities and outline a further direction
for research on this topic. Without illusions
about constructing a comprehensive concept of
this process at this moment, I want to stimulate
discussion on this topic and encourage colleagues
to study urbanisation processes in Scythia.
I intentionally avoid complex issues of
chronology and geographical division in this study,
describing the society as a whole. The work will
consider Scythian period sites between the Don
and Dnister Rivers as a cohesive phenomenon of
the forest-steppe Scythia, which I understand as a
society that lived in the forest-steppe zone between
the late 7th and early 3rd centuries BC.
This study explores the processes of social
complexity and urbanisation in the forest-steppe
Scythia, arguing that at least some settlements
can be classified as urban centres. The article
examines fortifications, production centres, trade
networks, and ritual spaces as key indicators of
urbanisation.
K e y w o r d s: Scythia, forest-steppe, Early Iron
Age, urbanisation, city, hillforts, social inequality
and complexity, warfare, trade, cult
The Late Bronze — Early Iron Age period in Europe
was a time of great changes and challenges. The
predominantly agrarian population was facing the
Late Bronze Age — Early Iron Age environmental
and economic crisis. Eastern and Central Europe
had to deal with Iranian nomads, and the lands with
access to the Mediterranean were experiencing
the expansion of the Greek and Phoenician
worlds. An important factor of this period was the
appearance of iron, which allowed for the quick
and cheap production of household and economic
items. This, in turn, significantly boosted the
development of crafts, trade, and economy. Over
time, significant growth population had become
common in temperate Europe. In the territory of the
Eastern European forest-steppe, examples of this
process include the Chornyi Lis culture (Chernoles
culture) and the population of the Scythian period.
Despite the vast territories affected by this process,
the European societies of the Late Bronze — Early
Iron Age are characterised by similarities and
close interconnectivity. Trade and mobility of the
This is an Open Access article under the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode.uk
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 26
Definition of a Process and an Occurrence
Urbanisation and the concept of the city
are currently fields of study for sociologists,
philosophers, and anthropologists. They are
seen as direct reflections of social complexity
(see e.g.: Weber 1958). L. Wirth, describing the
city, identifies several key parameters. These
include a large number of socially heterogeneous
populations that constantly engage in social and
cultural interactions, relatively large settlement
sizes, and dense construction (Wirth 1938).
The criteria for defining a modern city are
determined either by administrative division, where
a certain settlement is designated as an urban centre,
or by the number of inhabitants. It is typical that
the required population varies from 200 people in
Norway to 50,000 in Japan (Reba, Reitsma, Seto
2016). All other factors, which relate to living
standards and opportunities, arise automatically
when a certain number of people accumulate
in one place. Population numbers are the main
criterion in the most well-known lists of cities from
ancient times to the present. Both T. Chandler and
G. Modelski use population size and density as
determining factors for defining a settlement as a
city (Chandler 1987; Modelski 2003).
Modern concepts of a ‘city’ or ‘urban’ are seen
as multi-dimensional and are defined by various
criteria across different disciplines. Therefore,
contemporary criteria can be summarised in a
concise statement: “If there is some commonality
to the conceptualization and definition of a city
throughout history, it is that urban areas are often
associated with a higher quality of life than non-
urban places, manifested through more opportunities
and more services” (Reba, Reitsma, Seto 2016). It
is important to note that archaeological research
remains an integral part of modern urban studies
(see, e.g.: Ortman et al. 2020).
Overall Perspective.
The beginnings of the urbanisation process
can be traced far back in history and are reliably
documented by written sources and archaeology.
Describing the origins of urbanisation in the
ancient world, V. G. Childe developed the concept
of the ‘Urban Revolution’ and proposed a list of
ten criteria a settlement must meet to be considered
a city. These include: large and densely populated
settlements; full-time employed specialists;
some form of taxation in favour of secular or
spiritual authorities; truly monumental public
structures; the presence of a ‘ruling class’; writing;
knowledge of science and engineering; art; foreign
trade; a state organisation now based on residency
rather than kinship. His research focused on sites
in China, the Indus Valley, Mesopotamia, Egypt,
the Andes, and Mesoamerica. This geography was
chosen, among other reasons, to demonstrate that
urbanisation developed independently in different
centres (Childe 1950).
Despite criticisms of specific elements and an
overly Marxist approach, this work became one of
the most cited articles written by archaeologists
and significantly influenced the study of social
processes in ancient societies (Smith 2009, p. 3).
Although most of Childe’s criteria describe societal
complexity, they include both specific formal features
— such as writing — and relative categories, like the
development of science and engineering, art, and
foreign trade. The latter exist in all societies, meaning
their sufficient level and scope are subjectively
determined by scholars. Given these observations, it
can be suggested that the criteria concerning statehood
and technological development can be merged into a
general “level of societal development.” Essentially,
V. G. Childe was referring to something similar to
F. Engels’ social formations.
Another issue is that writing, in addition to
being a formal parameter, often serves as a source
of information about some of the other criteria.
For example, details about state organisation or
taxation policies are easier to read in texts than
to identify through their archaeological traces.
This reliance on historical rather than purely
archaeological sources created several problems
in studying urbanisation processes in regions and
periods where writing was absent (Fernández-
Götz et al. 2014, p. 6-7). Consequently, societies
without writing or those not described by literate
societies were deprived not only of one of the
checklist criteria, but also of a primary source of
information about their adherence to other criteria.
A historical overview of the definition of the
‘city’ in archaeology is provided by M. Fernández-
Götz (Fernández-Götz et al. 2014). The researcher
describes several parallel discussions in the literature.
Among them, three main debates stand out.
The first one is the varying significance of
writing as a criterion and the use of written sources
about societies in general. Texts provide crucial
insights into the status and specific characteristics
of cities in Egypt, the Near East, Greece,
Phoenicia, and Rome. On one end of the spectrum
are scholars following a more traditional approach
to developing Childe’s ideas (Kolb 1984, 2004),
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 2 7
while on the other are those who emphasise purely
archaeological criteria (Cowgill 2004; Hänsel
2005).
The second one is the persistent opposition
between Mediterranean and Central European
urbanisation traditions in the context of research
about antiquity. J. Collis divides these traditions
into ‘city-states’ and ‘tribal states,’ with the latter
representing the tradition of temperate Europe
(Collis 2014). However, this distinction has
reinforced the opposition between ‘civilised’
Mediterranean societies and the ‘barbarian’
periphery, prompting scholars to study Central
European urbanisation as a derivative of the
Mediterranean tradition (Fernández-Götz et
al. 2014). This dualism leaves little room for
alternative models and often forces early centres
to be classified under one of the two traditions,
thereby stripping them of their right to independent
emergence and uniqueness.
Perhaps the most important conceptual debate
concerns defining urbanisation and the city itself.
The development of criteria for identifying
settlements or societies as urban has led to the
creation of checklists for comparing different
societies. While this approach has been widely
criticised (Osborne 2005, р. 7), it still delineates the
framework within which we analyse urbanisation
and the features we focus on when attempting to
justify such processes in society.
Scythian Perspective.
Although the term ‘urbanisation’ was not
typically applied to Scythian sites, researchers have
described some hillforts as cities. The existence of
cities in Scythia has been a subject of debate since
the beginning of Scythian studies. This discussion
was prompted by Herodotus’ description of a
‘wooden city’ called Gelonus, located in the
land of the Budini in Scythia. At various times,
different fortifications in the Forest-Steppe Scythia
have been identified as possible candidates for
this title (Медведев 2002). However, the most
widely accepted association is between the city
described by Herodotus and the Bilsk hillfort, the
largest Scythian-period fortification in the forest-
steppe (Шрамко 1987). Other Scythian-period
fortifications were frequently designated as cities
by researchers. Large hillforts were considered
as already developed cities — major political,
economic, and religious centres (Болтрик 1993).
The discussion must begin with Gelonus itself
and its identification. Several factors were used
to argue whether a particular hillfort could be
identified as Herodotus’ Gelonus. The primary
factor was the size of the hillfort. When describing
Gelonus, Herodotus stated that the fortification
had walls 30 stadia in length (Herod. IV, 108),
meaning a total perimeter of approximately
22–26 km. Although these dimensions appear
exaggerated, they are comparable to the size of
Bilsk hillfort, while some other fortifications in
the forest-steppe also have smaller but comparable
sizes1. Another argument is its geographical
location, which, however, is somewhat confusing
and contradictory in Herodotus’ text (Медведев
1997). Additional supporting factors include the
presence of large quantities of Greek imports at the
site and its central position in a complex settlement
structure. Essentially, the main approach was
to find a hillfort that corresponded best to the
textual description. Given that Herodotus’ account
described extraordinary dimensions, the primary
argument became the size of the Bilsk hillfort.
Even the quantity of Greek imports found at the
site was used more as a supporting argument
for Herodotus’ claim that Gelonus was home to
Greek settlers among others (Herod. IV, 108).
However, there is no substantial reason to fully
trust Herodotus’ calculations on this matter. When
describing Babylon, he exaggerated its dimensions
tenfold (Медведев 2002, с. 134-135), casting
doubt on the validity of arguments built upon this
comparison.
Aside from the Bilsk hillfort, there are several
other giant hillforts in the Forest-Steppe Scythia
that have also been referred to as cities. M. Ignaczak
(Ignaczak 2011) provides a succinct summary of
the main interpretative models regarding the origins
of these giant hillforts. The first model interprets
them as a response to the arrival of nomads in the
forest-steppe, linked to the high socio-economic
development of the local agricultural population
(Ильинская, Тереножкин 1983, p. 260). The
second model posits that the Scythian nomads
conquered the forest-steppe and formed an alliance
with the local agricultural population, leading to
the construction of massive fortifications intended
for joint defence against other nomadic groups
(Скорый 1990, с. 96). The third model argues that
the hillforts were built by the Scythians themselves
1 Khodosivka, approximately 2,000 ha (Максимов,
Петровская 2008), the hypothetical Karatul hillfort,
approximately 40,000 ha (Крютченко 2018), Trakhtemyriv
hillfort, 600 ha (Петрашенко, Козюба 1999, с. 86;
Болтрик, Фіалко 2003), Zhurzhyntsi >326 ha (Дараган
2017а, с. 404).
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 28
Fig. 1. Casual loop of increasing social complexity
to defend against the local population (Мурзин,
Ролле 1996, с. 181-182). The fourth model suggests
that the large hillforts served as communal defensive
refuges for a significant population in times of crisis
(Ignaczak 2011, s. 181).
Researchers primarily interpreted the giant
hillforts as urban centres. This term was used for
fortifications covering areas from several dozen
to several thousand hectares. Such sites were
considered political, economic, and religious
centres of their respective regions (Скорый 1990,
с. 96), city-states akin to Greek poleis (Шрамко
1987, c. 162), or capitals of small principalities
(Павленко 1994).
A common feature of all these studies was a
hypothetical and deductive approach, where the
assumption that a hillfort was a city was made
first, and then supporting evidence was sought.
The primary arguments included the size of the
fortifications (from which a large population and a
complex, labour-intensive system of fortifications),
the presence of substantial production activities
(usually inferred from the quantity of iron and
bronze objects discovered), and the site’s location
on hypothetical trade routes. While the texts
suggest that researchers considered cities as
complex social phenomena, their investigations
focused primarily on traditional issues of history,
technology, and ethnicity.
B. Shramko’s work (Шрамко 1984) stands
out in this regard. Referring to V. Masson, he
constructed a list of criteria by which a site could
be considered a city. These included: a population
exceeding 5,000; secular and religious monumental
architecture; and centres of craft production (Мас-
сон 1976, с. 144). Based on this, he definitively
classified several large Scythian hillforts as cities
and debated the possibility of about a dozen
smaller sites (Шрамко 1984).
Thus, most researchers who wrote about cities
in Scythia followed two primary approaches.
The first was based on very general criteria such
as population size, site dimensions, and similar
factors. Additional criteria were often included,
which depended on subjective assessments or
the presence of specific objects (“high cultural
and technological development,” monumental
architecture, crafts production, etc.). The second
approach can be described as inductive. In
this case, researchers examined the finds and
structures discovered at a site and, based on these
observations, concluded whether a particular
settlement could be identified as a city.
Methodological Thoughts.
As it is evident from the discussion above,
the methodology for identifying certain sites as
cities remains highly debated. A city is primarily a
complex social structure, serving as “an expression
of, and a catalyst for, increasing social inequality”
(Fernández-Götz, Ralston 2017, p. 261). Therefore,
defining a site as a city also entails assessing the
complexity of the society that built it (fig. 1). If we
exclude literacy as a necessary criterion, determining
the complexity of society must rely primarily on the
archaeological record left by the people who built
the settlement. Another crucial factor in the diversity
of approaches and methodologies is the variety of
societal adaptation strategies, sometimes leading
to opposing mechanisms in the formation of social
complexity. For these reasons, I find the approach
of M. Fernandez-Götz and D. Krausse particularly
compelling, as they propose a “context-dependent
definition of a ‘city’.” This approach emphasises
the vast diversity of different urbanisation traditions
(Fernandez-Götz, Krausse 2013, p. 480).
Another significant factor in constructing a
methodology is the specificity of Scythian society.
Researching it has always been particularly
challenging due to numerous factors — ranging
from viewing ancient societies through the lens
of Soviet ideology to debates about fundamental
concepts such as the polyethnic nature of Scythian
society. A striking example illustrating both the
diversity of adaptation and development models, as
well as the local specificity of the forest-steppe, is
the ‘nomadic factor’. Examining the westernmost
extent of Scythian expansion, we see how societies
in Śląsk (South-Western Poland) quickly declined
upon encountering nomads, whereas in Alföld
(Hungary), they merged with the local population,
leading to the emergence of the powerful Vekerzug
culture (Chochorowski 2014). In the case of the
URBANISATION SOCIAL COMPLEXITY
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 2 9
forest-steppe Scythia, we observe a mutually
beneficial coexistence. However, unlike in the
Vekerzug culture, there was no noticeable mixing
of material culture. This highlights the diversity
of interaction patterns between the Scythians
and the sedentary agricultural populations they
encountered.
If we consider solely the archaeological
record left by the forest-steppe society, we see a
strong resemblance to contemporaneous sites in
temperate Europe during 600–400 BC. Although
this connection in enclosure traditions, economy,
and society has been explored by various scholars
from different perspectives (see, e.g.: Светлич-
ная 1996; Кашуба 2012; Kashuba, Levitski 2012;
Chochorowski 2014; Darahan, Gavrish 2017;
Grechko 2020; Топал 2021), it can hardly be
considered fully studied. Nevertheless, all these
works clearly indicate its existence.
From this perspective, it is evident that the
development of parameters for identifying cities
in Scythia and studying a forest-steppe society
extends beyond the scope of this introductory
paper. Their detailed development is a task for the
future. Therefore, as parameters, I have decided to
utilise those most commonly applied to temperate
European regions of the same period, with some
modifications.
These include:
- site areas over 10 ha;
- emergence of agglomerations and elite burials;
- social inequality, societal complexity, and elite
distinction;
- production centres and workshops;
- internal and external trade;
- areas of social gatherings;
- areas with group rituals, cult performing, and
results of collective work.
Arguments Indicating Urbanisation Processes in
the Scythian Forest-Steppe
General Information.
The sites examined in this paper cover the entire
period of the Scythian material culture complex
in the Northern Black Sea region and the Eastern
European forest-steppe. This includes the time span
from the late 7th century BC to the early 3rd century
BC. However, the formation of the forest-steppe
society began earlier in the Chornyi Lis culture and
the Zhabotyn stage, with its influence traceable in
the Crimea until the late 3rd century AD. The study
of these societies requires separate research.
By using the term ‘forest-steppe scythia’
or ‘Scythian forest-steppe’, I refer to the areas
where this material culture was distributed. The
westernmost sites include the Chotyniec hillfort
in Poland (Czopek, Trybała-Zawiślak, Tokarczyk
2022) and the Western Podolian group in the Dnister
basin, while the easternmost sites are located in
the Don basin (fig. 2). The southern boundary is
defined by the distribution of sedentary population
sites, which generally do not extend into the steppe
zone. The northern boundary is determined by the
distribution areas of cultures distinct from the
forest-steppe, such as the Lusatian, Mylohrad,
Yukhniv, Upper Oka, and Gorodets cultures.
The term ‘forest-steppe society’ refers to
a syncretic, polyethnic union of nomadic and
agricultural societies, essentially forming the
concept of the forest-steppe Scythia (Медведев
2004, p. 6-18; Білинський 2019b). In some cases,
different ethnic components can be distinguished
within this society (Гречко 2023); however, the
development of criteria for their identification
and mechanisms of interaction remains far from a
definitive resolution.
A key note in this context is the diversity of
processes observed today. For example, the
hillforts of Kamianka (Граков 1954), Kapulivka
(Фатеев 2013), and Elizavetinskoie (Марчен-
ко, Житников, Копылов 2000), which emerged
at the boundary between the Scythian and Greek
worlds, were likely influenced by Greek traditions.
Therefore, these and similar sites will not be
considered in this study.
It is also important to highlight that the social
dynamics and intensity of activity in different
centres within the forest-steppe varied across
periods. Large hillforts located near each other
did not necessarily exist simultaneously, just as
some areas were settled and then abandoned at
different times. The movement of large population
groups within the forest-steppe is clearly observed
through its territorial and chronological divisions.
A well-documented example of this can be seen
in the thoroughly studied left-bank Dnipro region
(Гречко, Билинский, Кушнир 2021).
Huge Area of the Sites, Agglomerations and
Demography.
At present, accurately estimating the number of
Scythian-period sites in the forest-steppe remains
quite challenging. The most up-to-date calculations
have been published only for the left-bank Dnipro
region, where over 620 settlement sites have been
identified from the late 7th to the early 3rd centuries
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BC (Гречко, Билинский, Кушнир 2021). If we
add known sites from occasionally outdated studies
on other regions, the total number of hillforts and
unfortified settlements in the forest-steppe Scythia
exceeds 1,000. However, considering how the
number of sites has increased in the Left-bank
region, we can confidently estimate approximately
2,000 settlement structures in total. The research
on the Siverskyi Donets River region provides a
striking example. In P. Liberov’s work (Либеров
1962, с. 22), 892 sites were known in the region,
whereas D. S. Grechko (2010, с. 138) recorded
218, with major survey efforts in Kharkiv Oblast
occurring after the latter study was published.
Unfortified settlements are generally small,
most of them ranging from 1 to 5 ha. However,
some settlements cover around 100 ha (Ляш-
ко 2017). Estimating the density of habitation in
such sites is extremely difficult, as they have not
been fully excavated. For example, at Mykhailivka
settlement, researchers noted that earlier and later
materials were concentrated in different areas,
indicating that the settlement expanded gradually
over time (Ляшко 2017, с. 299). Thus, not all
100 ha were inhabited simultaneously.
It is much easier to assess fortified settlements,
where the area enclosed by ramparts and ditches can
be measured, although in many cases, adjacent areas
outside the fortifications were also inhabited. As
with unfortified settlements, determining the exact
number of fortifications is difficult. However, since
most hillforts were actively identified during the
second half of the 20th century, we can approximate
their total number based on summarising regional
studies — though some of these works are now
outdated. By compiling data from the Don basin
(Медведев 1999), left-bank Dnipro region (Крют-
ченко 2019), Siverskyi Donets basin (Гречко
2010), right-bank Dnipro region (Ковпаненко,
Бессонова, Скорий 1989), and the Eastern and
Western Podillian groups (Очеретний 2017; Моги-
лов 2020), we reach a figure of at least 280 hillforts.
The sizes of these sites vary significantly,
ranging from 0.3 ha to giant hillforts covering
several thousand hectares. The proportion
of fortified to unfortified settlements and the
distribution of larger and smaller settlements
differs significantly by region. No global statistics
exist for the total area of hillforts, but well-
2 Although both scholars wrote about the Siverskyi Donets
River region, their research areas do not fully overlap.
Therefore, I excluded from P. D. Liberov’s list of 104 sites
those located outside the research area of D. S. Grechko
documented data from the Left-bank region
provides useful insight (fig. 3). If we exclude giant
hillforts as statistical outliers, we obtain a chart
that demonstrates a gradual increase in site sizes
from smaller to larger settlements (fig. 4). Within
this distribution, sites of 10–15 ha and 25–40 ha
are clearly distinguished. These settlements, along
with giant hillforts, were likely small regional
centres, functioning as urban or proto-urban ones.
A unique phenomenon in the forest-steppe
Scythia is the presence of giant hillforts, sites
covering over 100 ha (Дараган 2017a), which are
more than twice in size among the largest hillforts
of a lower rank. The highest concentration of such
hillforts is found in the right-bank Dnipro region.
Most of them share common features:
- circular ramparts, ranging from several to
several dozen km in length;
- not only longer, but also stronger fortifications,
with ramparts rising over 10 m above the ditch;
- one or more smaller fortifications within the
main enclosure;
- a variety of landscapes and resources inside the
fortified area, enabling agriculture within the walls;
- often, water sources — sometimes entire
rivers — are found within the fortified perimeter.
These giant hillforts were not entirely settled;
rather, multiple separate settlements existed within
the fortifications or nearby, showing clear signs of
permanent habitation. This pattern is particularly
evident at the Bilsk hillfort (fig. 5). The function
of the remaining enclosed territory remains
unclear. It may have been used for agriculture by
the population or served as wintering grounds for
large nomadic groups.
An essential element of the Scythian period
settlement structure is the formation of settlement
agglomerations. Many scholars have noted that
medium and large hillforts are often accompanied
by numerous smaller settlements located within
few kilometres. A significant challenge, however,
is determining the precise chronology of these
settlements — not just their existence within the
Scythian period, but their synchronisation. No large-
scale investigations integrating comprehensive
survey methods and modern data have been
conducted on the topic.
The most studied settlement complexes in this
regard are those of the Seim River region. These
sites are particularly useful, because of their narrow
chronological window — the Eastern Seim region
was settled only for a few decades in the late 6th to
early 5th centuries BC, which allows considering
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most of the sites as roughly synchronous. A three-
tier model was applied to classify settlements, with
distances calculated using breakpoints in a distance
chart generated via the QGIS distance matrix tool.
The resulting classification distinguished:
- locality with distances no greater than 831 m;
- agglomerations with distances no greater than
3,325 m;
- micro-regions with distances up to 10,749 m
(Білинський 2019а, c. 101)
Overall, 161 settlement sites were grouped into
64 agglomerations, of which only 29 contained a
single site (Білинський 2019а, c. 105). Given that
the Seim River eastern basin likely had the lowest
level of centralisation in Scythia, it is reasonable to
suggest that nearly all hillforts over a few hectares
in size had multiple smaller settlements around
them, forming agglomerations.
Estimating the population size of hillforts or
settlements is particularly difficult. Due to low
efficiency (Гречко, Корост, Коротя 2019) and
other factors, large-scale geomagnetic surveys
have not been conducted, meaning that evidence
of dwellings relies solely on excavation or surface
surveys.
Bilsk hillfort provides the most striking
example in this regard. The presence of numerous
settlements within and adjacent to its fortifications
led to population estimates of 40,000–50,000
inhabitants (Шрамко 1984, p. 225). While I agree
with the view that not all of these settlements were
occupied simultaneously and that this number of
sedentary inhabitants is overestimated (Дараган
2017b, p. 27), the case illustrates the scale of the
issue. Another challenge is evaluating the nomadic
population, which did not leave permanent
dwellings or settlement sites. Despite this, nomads
lived in or near these sites and were integrated into
local social and economic processes, as indicated
by their burial mounds located next to hillforts.
This phenomenon is particularly evident in the
Don region, where we observe a distinct material
culture at hillforts, contrasting with kurgan
cemeteries nearby, demonstrating cohabitation
Fig. 3. Logarithmic scale of the Dnipro Left-bank hillforts square with ranges of real values (in hectares)
-1
0
1
2
3
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between agricultural and nomadic populations,
and likely indicating the elite status of the latter
(Медведев 2004, p. 36).
Overall, two primary settlement planning
traditions existed in the forest-steppe (Билинский,
Кабанов 2018): densely concentrated dwellings
and storage facilities (typical of small fortified
sites under 1 ha) and separate homesteads with
multiple dwellings and outbuildings, covering
300–600 m², spaced tens of metres apart (Бессо-
нова, Скорий 2001, с. 53)
If we examine fully excavated sites, the best
examples come from the Seim basin. Several
nearly completely excavated hillforts contained
about 20 dwellings within their ramparts,
sometimes extending outside (Пузикова 1981;
1997), suggesting a population of around 100
inhabitants per site. The prevalence and uniformity
of such fortifications in the region suggest that
settlements of similar size were typical for this
society. However, when considering hillforts
ranging from 5 to 35 ha, taking into account the
scale of their defensive structures and the presence
of agglomerations around the fortifications, this
population estimate can be safely increased several
times.
Overall, I believe that the population
assessment of the Motronynske hillfort are
closer to reality, with researchers estimating its
population at approximately 5,000 inhabitants
(Безсонова 2002). This figure includes both the
sedentary agricultural and nomadic populations.
Depending on the size of a given site, this number
may fluctuate. Agglomerations on the scale of the
Bilsk hillfort could have housed several times more
inhabitants, whereas hillforts of 10–30 ha likely
had several times fewer. However, it is essential
to note that these calculations also account for the
nomadic population, as the sedentary inhabitants
alone would likely constitute only about half of
this number.
Elite Distinction and Burials, Social
Inequality and Complexity.
The greatest challenge in reconstructing the
social structure of the Scythian forest-steppe
society is its heterogeneous nature. It consisted
of the local agricultural population and nomads,
who likely conquered this population and lived
alongside them, forming a single community
(Бессонова 1999; Гречко 2023, с. 37). For this
reason, the search for elites often coincided with
attempts to distinguish ethnic differentiation in
Fig. 4. Dnipro Left-bank hillforts, square in hectares
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
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burials, ultimately leading to a division between
agricultural and nomadic burials (Скорый 2003),
which automatically positioned the latter as
the privileged class. Without delving into this
discussion or the division of burials by ethnicity,
we can characterise the burial practices in general.
Despite post-processual critique, the Binford-
Saxe-Goldstein theory remains a classical approach
in archaeology for studying social inequality through
burial rites. If we summarise the key works on this
subject (Saxe 1970, 1971; Binford 1971; Goldstein
1981), several important parameters emerge:
- the cost of the burial, including labour
expenditure and grave goods placed in the tomb;
- the territorial distinctiveness of elite burials
within a cemetery or in a separate burial site;
- claim on territory, where even after death, the
deceased symbolically claims a resource or land,
expressed by their burial near or within this area.
These criteria are well-suited for analysing
Scythian society, and a useful example for applying
them is the burial sites of the Sula region. According
to the 19th-century accounts, they stretched 50 km
along the right bank of the Sula River, in some places
forming cemeteries with up to 600 mounds (Ильин-
ская 1968, с. 8). The most notable site is Staikyn
Verkh, near the village of Oksiutyntsi (fig. 6). In the
1970s, the largest kurgan, Starsha Mohyla, 20 m
high, alongside 13 other mounds ranging from
4 to 11 m in height, and about 300 smaller burial
mounds (Ильинская 1968, с. 9). The estimated
volume of the Starsha Mohyla is 16,000 m³, and the
Fig. 5. Bilsk hillforts with inside settlements
Settlements
Rampart
DEM
88 204
0 1 2 km
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grave goods included a large number of weapons
and horse harnesses. Since the burial was looted
in antiquity, the presence of precious items cannot
be confirmed, yet the mound’s scale and preserved
artefacts clearly indicate the high status of the
buried individual.
This burial site also serves as strong evidence
for the territorial separation of elite burials. The
four largest kurgans were located within the
cemetery, but were compactly arranged in its
south-eastern part, near the slope leading to the
Sula River valley. A particularly striking example
of claiming territory is that the burial ground lies
just 2 km from one of the giant hillforts, Basivka.
This suggests that the nomadic elite marked their
ownership over the hillfort and its population,
similar to how elite Hallstatt burials were placed
near salt mines (Saxe 1970, p. 199).
Recent studies on the social structure of
Scythian society have been conducted using
statistical analysis within a processual framework
(Burghardt 2017; Korokhina, Grechko 2021).
Based on an analysis of 247 burials, M. Burghardt
identified several social strata within the
population, classified according to burial rites and
grave goods (Burghardt 2021, 2022).
In contemporary research, preferred is a struc-
tured approach to social inequality in archaeology
around three main domains. Accumulation —
the concentration of essential resources, valuable
objects, and wealth in the hands of a few. Access
— individuals’ ability to obtain or utilise key
goods and knowledge, such as trade routes, social
networks, or imported goods. Action — the
ability of individuals or groups to make decisions
affecting the entire society, including settlement
systems, social mobility, and specialised roles
such as warriors or craftsmen (Beck, Quinn 2022)
(fig. 7).
The accumulation domain in the Scythian
forest-steppe society is evident from the significant
variation in burial monument sizes, the presence
of gold objects, jewellery, and weapons in certain
burials. Additionally, monumental tombs with
vast earthen mounds demonstrate substantial
investment of human and material resources. High-
status burials frequently contain Greek pottery,
horse burials, and even dependent individuals
buried alongside the deceased.
The access domain is reflected in the presence
of imported goods, primarily Greek pottery, often
in the form of amphorae filled with wine or oils.
Another indicator is specialised burial items, such
as insignia of power, pole-tops, and complex
burial structures with dromoi, multiple chambers,
and connecting corridors. This suggests that not all
members of society had equal access to resources,
funerary practices, or advanced construction
techniques, reinforcing the existence of social
stratification.
The action domain is observable in the presence
of specialised social roles, such as warriors and
craftsmen, who constituted a significant proportion
of the population. The ability of the elite to
command labour from the wider population is
evident in cyclopean fortifications and burial
mounds, which required not only a workforce, but
also skilled builders.
Both processual and post-processual studies
clearly highlight the existence of elite burials in
Scythian society, which is sufficient to describe
this criterion as a factor in urbanisation processes.
However, the overall study of the social structure of
Scythian society remains a topic for future research.
Despite a number of studies on this subject (Ха-
занов 1975; Генинг 1984; Бунятян 1985; Бойко
2017), it cannot be considered well-developed yet.
Notably, with the exception of the last work, most
of these studies focused on the steppe population
rather than the forest-steppe population.
Production Centres and Workshops.
The Scythian period in the forest-steppe
zone differs significantly from both previous
and subsequent periods due to the large quantity
of metal artefacts. The black and non-ferrous
metallurgy of this period can be evaluated using
two primary approaches.
The first approach focuses on the study of
production sites, tools, and technology. During
the Scythian period, devices for ore enrichment,
charcoal production, bloomery iron extraction, and
even medium-carbon steel production were well-
known. Blacksmiths could heat metal billets to
produce high-quality items. Among blacksmith tools,
axe-hammers, chisels, punches, and tongs have been
identified (Паньков 2014, с. 167, 173). In general,
blacksmiths of this period were familiar with solid
iron forging, bloomery steel, carburised steel, layered
metalworking, various welding techniques, and
surface cementation (Паньков 2014, с. 202).
Non-ferrous metallurgy often functioned
parallel to blacksmithing. Evidence for this
includes special furnaces for metal smelting,
slags indicating ore-based metal extraction,
and small droplets of metal. The tools of non-
ferrous metalworkers included casting moulds,
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crucibles, casting spoons, and small chisels for
ornamentation. Well-documented technologies
included stone mould casting, lost-wax casting,
wire drawing, plating, and embossing.
It has long been observed that all traces of
production are linked specifically to the forest-
steppe sites (Шрамко 1971, с. 96-97). Notably,
these production centres were not located
exclusively in large hillforts. Alongside Bilsk,
Trakhtemyriv, and Motronynske, smaller but well-
studied sites within large settlement agglomerations
also functioned as production hubs. Blacksmith
workshops have been identified at Liubotyn
(4 ha), Knyshivka (5.35 ha), Tsyrkuny (2.61 ha),
and Sharpivka (16 ha) hillforts. In the case of
Kolomak hillfort, metalworking workshops were
found not only within the hillfort, but also in two
adjacent settlements (Ольговський 2022, с. 158).
Additionally, a major non-ferrous metalworking
centre was discovered at Hryshchyntsi settlement,
located 7 km from the contemporaneous Chernyshi
hillfort (12 ha). Finds from this site include bronze
slags and droplets, metal blanks, copper ingots,
miniature bronze chisels, unfinished and defective
bronze pins, earrings, and thin wire products (Пе-
тренко 1967, с. 10-11).
Currently, only a small number of metallurgical
workshops have been identified. Their quantity
clearly does not match the scale of production,
as suggested by indirect evidence. For example,
casting spoons have been found at nearly all well-
excavated Scythian-period sites. The low number
of recorded workshops can be explained by the
common practice of locating production facilities
outside settlements, due to the noise, odour, and
other disturbances they generated.
However, when workshops are found within
settlements, they are often concentrated in specific
quarters. This was the case at the Bilsk hillfort,
where entire craft districts existed, producing iron,
bronze, and bone items (Шрамко 1977, с. 393-
394). A similar situation is observed at Sharpivka
hillfort, where the northern sector was significantly
more industrialised. This is also reflected in the
high proportion of Greek pottery fragments, which
accounted for up to 30 % of all finds in this area
(Ольговський 2022, с. 152).
The second approach to assessing Scythian
metallurgy focuses on the products themselves.
While the quality and refinement of many items
are undeniable, in this context, quantity is far more
revealing. The range of bronze and iron objects
from the Scythian period is extensive, but here we
focus on the most numerous categories.
Scythian swords and daggers — akinakes
were predominantly made of iron, with the earliest
examples featuring bronze hilts. Nearly 400 swords
are currently known from the forest-steppe sites
(Shelekhan 2020). Across all of European Scythia,
over 1,500 blades have been recorded (Топал
Fig. 6. Staikyn Verkh mounds, avaliable at: https://shorturl.at/x5XGB
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2021, с. 58). While not all of these were produced
in the forest-steppe, this figure clearly reflects the
scale of blades manufacturing. It is also logical to
assume that certain akinakes types were produced
in specific regions. A good example is the Solokha-
type sword, which probably were produced at the
Bilsk hillfort (Шрамко 1992, с. 222).
Another widespread weapon was the arrow-
head. With rare exceptions, these were made of
bronze. The continuous evolution of the Scythian
bow and its widespread use led to a high degree of
variation in arrowhead types, complicating their
typology. Collections of arrowheads have been
recovered from nearly every excavated Scythian
settlement in the forest-steppe. Some researchers
have even proposed that arrowheads functioned
as proto-monetary units, similar to coinage (Гра-
ков 1968, с. 112-113). The sheer quantity of
arrowheads can be inferred from steppe burials of
the 5th—4th centuries BC, where grave inventories
often contained quivers, sometimes up to 16 in a
single grave, each holding 10 to 200 arrows (Да-
раган 2015, с. 109). While no comprehensive
census of known arrowheads exists, their total
number undoubtedly reaches tens of thousands.
Arrowheads were produced using lost-wax casting,
stone moulds, and in some cases, specialised metal
matrices. Many such finds come from the forest-
steppe sites, especially the Bilsk hillfort and the
right-bank Dnipro region (Дараган 2015).
Finds of horse gear is also extremely numerous.
In the forest-steppe zone alone, at least 6,330 items
have been recorded, including psalia, cheekpieces,
plaques, browbands, buckles, pendants, breastplates,
bells, and whips (Могилов 2008, с. 13). More than
80 % of these objects were made of iron and bronze.
Notably, most horse gear from the Scythian period
is associated with nomadic material culture. This
Fig. 7. Domains of inequality, after: Beck, Quinn 2022
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is evidenced by the low number of finds in regions
lacking nomadic burials, such as the Seim basin
(Білинський 2019a, с. 167). Identifying the precise
locations where these items were produced remains
challenging, though many unfinished pieces and
production waste, particularly from bone workshops
(e.g.: Severynivka hillfort (Shelekhan, Lifantii
2016)), suggest that workshops were located at the
forest-steppe sites.
Among Scythian-period jewellery, pins and
earrings are the most abundant in the forest-steppe.
The evolution of pins can be traced back to the
Bronze Age and is closely linked to Central Europe.
Their near-total absence in steppe burials (Петрен-
ко 1978, с. 7) strongly indicates that they were part
of the local, forest-steppe costume tradition. This
is further supported by the fact that three-quarters
of known pins have been found at settlement sites,
with only one-quarter recovered from burials (Хо-
дукіна 2021, с. 219). The same applies to shield-
shaped earrings, or ‘zausznice’ (in Polish). These
are predominantly found in the forest-steppe, and
their origins are also likely linked to Central Europe
(Gawlik 2007). The last comprehensive catalogue of
these items was compiled in 1978, listing 541 pins
and 606 earrings of various types. Many of these,
however, follow Greek traditions and were likely
produced in the Greek Black Sea settlements (Пе-
тренко 1978). Currently, the estimated number of
pins is around 1,000, with several hundred shield-
shaped earrings3.
The last notable category of finds consists of
mass household and agricultural items. Due to
their uniformity, researchers have recently paid
less attention to them, and the main studies on the
topic rely on outdated data (Краснов 1971). These
include various awls, borers, needles, chisels,
mattocks, and other tools, but the most numerous
are knives and sickles. In recent studies focusing
on specific regions of the forest-steppe, we find the
following numbers: 110 knives and seven sickles
in the Don basin (Меркулов 2018), over 40 knives
and sickles from the Siverskyi Donets River region
(Гречко 2010), and 50 knives and sickles from the
Seim basin (Білинський 2019а). The total number
of these artefacts from the forest-steppe sites can
be estimated at no less than 500 objects.
This overview clearly demonstrates the high level
of production in the Scythian period. The quantity
of artefacts and the diversity of manufacturing
3 I’m grateful to Yu. M. Khodukina for the opportunity to
familiarise myself with her catalogue, which is currently
being compiled.
techniques used by craftsmen highlight a thriving
metallurgical industry. Even though workshops
themselves are rarely found, multiple indirect
factors confirm their existence and scale.
Internal and External Trade.
The Scythian period is characterised, among
other things, by huge connectivity and the growth
of trade. Assessing the level of internal trade
through the standardisation of material culture is
quite difficult. Most craftsmen’s products found at
the forest-steppe sites are homogeneous, making
it hard to determine whether they were produced
locally or imported. However, the dominance
of certain types of artefacts in specific regions
suggests the active development of internal trade.
For example, in V. H. Petrenko’s study of the
forest-steppe jewellery, it is evident that many
types of pins had a primary distribution area,
where at least half or more of the known examples
were concentrated in a specific region, with only a
small number found elsewhere (Петренко 1978).
D. S. Grechko also noted the prevalence of specific
pin types in various regions (Гречко 2010, с. 99).
This suggests that pins were manufactured in certain
areas, where most remained in local settlements,
while some were exported to neighbouring regions.
A good example of this is Type 13 pins with a ball-
shaped head. V. H. Petrenko documented nine such
pins, five of which were found at Liubotyn hillfort,
while the rest were distributed in the Vorskla basin
and the right-bank group (Петренко 1978, с. 14-
15). A similar mechanism can be observed in the
production of the Solokha-type swords I mentioned
above, which are primarily found in the Sula and
Vorskla Rivers regions (Шрамко 1992, с. 222).
Another example is high-quality tableware.
The distribution of ladles with tall handles, black-
glazed bowls, and other similar items varies
across different regions of Scythia, in some cases
disappearing almost entirely. It is logical to assume
that in such areas, black-glazed ceramics or ladles
were imported as trade goods rather than produced
locally. For instance, a cup typical for the Dnister
region population was found in an ashmound on
the Psel River (Bilynskyi, Khodukina, Pototskyi
2023, p. 11), over 500 km away from its primary
area of distribution and probable manufacturing.
External trade is much more visible and is
marked by imported objects found at archaeological
sites. The quantity of these items and the dynamics
of trade relations depended heavily on the societies
surrounding Scythian forest-steppe communities.
More isolated societies in the forest zone were less
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actively engaged in these processes. In the material
culture of the Milograd and Yukhnove cultures, we
often find Scythian weaponry and jewellery (Ло-
шенков 2011, рис. 52, 53, 59–61, 64; Каравай-
ко, Горбаненко 2012, рис. 1.15). While some
pins and earrings may have been locally produced
by craftsmen who imitated forest-steppe designs,
the presence of Scythian arrowheads leaves no
doubt that they were brought to these sites from
elsewhere. Regarding ceramics, trade is evidenced
by the presence of pottery from neighbouring
cultures, which tends to concentrate in peripheral
areas. For instance, at the Seim settlements, ceramic
vessels typical for the Yukhnove culture have been
found. Their quantity is always low, typically
ranging between 2–3 %. An important note here is
that they do not indicate trade in pottery itself, but
rather result from the fact that other goods — such
as honey, wax, etc. — were likely sold in these
vessels, making it impractical to transfer them into
different containers. A similar pattern is observed
with isolated finds of ornaments typical for the
forest zone cultures, such as pins with leaf-shaped
openwork heads. These are generally associated
with the Desna and Oka basins, but single finds are
also known at Scythian forest-steppe sites (Чубур
2012). However, the distribution of such objects
may indicate not only trade, but also population
mobility and individual migrations. This is likely
reflected in the Scythian burial mound at the
Yukhnove settlement of Kyselivka 2 (Каравай-
ко 2010).
The connections between the forest-steppe
population and the western Lusatian culture and the
Hallstatt world have been relatively well studied.
Most evidence comes from isolated imports, such
as jewellery, weaponry, and tableware (Светлич-
ная 1996; Shramko, Zadnikov 2021), or similarities
between mass-produced Scythian items and Western
objects (Дараган 2010). This supports both cultural
connections and the idea that certain Scythian-made
objects were inspired by Western prototypes or
shared common origins with Bronze Age societies.
In the western regions of the forest-steppe, these
connections were naturally stronger.
However, the most developed and well-
documented aspect of the Scythian forest-steppe
trade is its relationship with the Greek settlements
of the Northern Black Sea coast, which acted as
intermediaries for goods from across Greece. More
than 200 settlement sites have been excavated in
the forest-steppe Scythia, and almost each of them
has yielded Greek imports, primarily amphorae,
though major centres also contain a wide variety
of tableware and jewellery. The presence of Greek
imported pottery, which entered Scythian sites
through trade with Greek poleis and emporia
along the Black Sea coast, is a defining feature
of the Scythian period. Despite the continued
existence of Greek cities on the Black Sea coast
after the Scythian period, the intensity of trade and
the number of imports declined significantly.
The distribution of Greek pottery across the
Scythian forest-steppe sites is uneven. This is
influenced by both the general availability of Greek
goods in different regions and the importance of
specific sites in the trade network. Greek pottery is
found in lower quantities in the Don River middle
basin and in the Dnister and Southern Buh Rivers
regions (Разуваев 2017; Могилов 2020), while
it is much more abundant at sites in the Dnipro
region, its left-bank, and the Siverskyi Donets basin
(Онайко 1966, 1970; Бандуровский 2001). Greek
imports also concentrate at giant hillforts and other
major sites, with quantities decreasing as distance
from these centres increases. This suggests that
trade with Greek settlements likely operated on
a hub-and-spoke system, where large caravans
brought goods to major centres, from which they
were distributed to smaller nearby settlements.
The scale of this trade can be estimated from the
quantity of finds. At the Bilsk hillfort, over 7,000
fragments of Greek pottery and complete vessels
have been documented (Задніков 2014). At some
sites, Greek pottery accounts for 20–30 % of all
ceramic finds — for instance, the Basivka hillfort:
22 % (Болтрик, Фиалко 1998) and Sharpivka
hillfort: 30 % (Ольговський 2022, с. 152).
Trade was bidirectional. Objects from the
forest-steppe are rarely found in Greek coastal
settlements, suggesting that most exports were
likely agricultural products. Herodotus, in his
description of the Σκύθαι ἀροτῆρες (‘Scythians
who till the ground’4), noted that they grew grain
for sale rather than for their own consumption
(Herod. IV, 17). The primary export from the forest-
steppe was probably grain. Demosthenes, in one of
his speeches, stated that half of all grain imported
to Athens came from the Pontic region. From the
context, it is clear that this referred primarily to the
Bosporan Kingdom (Dem. Lept., 28–31). During
the 4th century BC, Athenian traders were granted
privileges for exporting grain from the Bosporus
(Брашинский 1963, с. 122), which, from the
4 Translation after: Macaulay 1890.
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5th century BC, had become the primary trading
partner of the forest-steppe, replacing Olbia in this
role.
Other traditional exports from the region likely
included furs, hides, wax, and honey — the same
goods that were the main trade commodities
between Kyivan Rus and Greece in the medieval
period (ed. Толочко 2000, с. 432). The issue of
the slave trade during the Scythian period remains
controversial. In the Middle Ages, slaves may
have been the main export (Толочко 2015, с. 219-
237). In the mid-to-late 20th century, the topic
was actively discussed among Scythian studies
specialists, but the debate was largely driven by
Marxist historiography and the classification of
Scythia as a “slave-owning state” (Хазанов 1975,
с. 133-148). Since this issue relates specifically to
socio-political structures, I will not explore it in
detail here, but will note that I agree with the view
that the slave trade was not widespread (Хазанов
1975, с. 138), and was unlikely to have played a
significant role in the economy or export trade.
Connections also existed with much more
distant lands. Though rare, Scythian sites
occasionally yield objects from Egypt, China,
the Near East, and beyond. Such long-distance
connections were likely facilitated by nomadic
activity, military campaigns, and travel, which
brought exotic goods and fashion trends to the
Northern Black Sea region. A striking example
of this is cowrie shells. These molluscs inhabit
tropical and subtropical regions of the Indian
Ocean, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. They
were popular ornaments in Near Eastern cultures,
and with the arrival of nomads, they began to
appear in large numbers in the Northern Black
Sea region (Bruyako 2007). While precise counts
of these finds are still being compiled, dozens
have already been documented at forest-steppe
sites, illustrating that trade encompassed not
only utilitarian goods and raw materials, but
also luxury items, rare materials, and prestigious
objects.
In this context, trade routes are of particular
importance. Numerous studies suggest that long-
distance communication networks were primarily
land-based, while rivers were rarely used for
transporting goods. This reconstruction aligns
with historical routes that followed watersheds,
documented in later written sources (Болтрик
2002). These routes allowed traders to travel deep
into the north from the Black Sea coast without
crossing large rivers, following nearly straight
watershed paths. A strong argument in favour of
this hypothesis is the location of many Scythian
sites rich in Greek imports far from major rivers, as
well as the correlation of their positions with later
medieval and early modern trade routes such as the
Black Route and the Muravsky Trail. Additional
support comes from the proximity of the Scythian-
period sites to historical river crossings and the
concentration of stray finds of bladed weapons,
likely marking the sites of military clashes (Би-
линский, Шелехань 2014).
Together with the scale of trade, as demonstrated
by the distribution of imported objects, this
suggests that during the Scythian period, a complex
trade network existed, with exchange between the
forest-steppe and Greek settlements forming its
foundation. The majority of Greek pottery found
at the forest-steppe sites consists of transport
amphorae, which likely contained wine and oils.
Places of Social Gatherings, Group Rrituals,
Cult Performing and Results of Collective
Work.
Despite the large number of the excavated
Scythian-period sites, we still have a limited
understanding of the internal layout of settlements,
especially giant hillforts. Within these settlements,
and sometimes in adjacent areas, separate
settlements and additional fortifications have been
identified. However, most of the territory within
these sites remains unsettled. These conclusions
are primarily based on the distribution of cultural
layers rather than direct excavation data. Another
major issue is the sheer size of these sites, which
makes comprehensive excavations difficult.
Additionally, there is a lack of geomagnetic and
ground-penetrating radar surveys for the Scythian-
period sites. This is due to both a shortage of
equipment and specialists as well as previous
unsuccessful attempts (Гречко, Корост, Ко-
ротя 2019). Together, these factors mean that
our understanding of settlement planning and
the presence or absence of specific structures is
primarily based on excavation results.
The best examples for places of social
gatherings are the “empty spaces” within
fortifications, which are documented at many
hillforts. For the Eastern Europe in archaeological
literature, this layout has been explained as a
military necessity (ensuring that houses were not
located directly under walls or at a vulnerable
distance) or as holding areas for livestock during
times of danger (Моруженко 1985, с. 175; Ковпа-
ненко, Бессонова, Скорый 1989, с. 23). However,
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the presence of empty spaces within fortifications
is also typical for the La Tène oppida. As with
these settlements, unbuilt areas may have been
used for social interaction within the settlement
(Smith 2008; Stanley et al. 2012; Fernandez-
Gotz 2018). This hypothesis regarding oppida has
been supported by recent interdisciplinary studies
(Hajnalová et al. 2024). Such spaces may have
served as sites for public gatherings, markets, and
hosting newcomers, making them an essential
feature of urban life.
Our understanding of cults and group rituals
in the Scythian forest-steppe period is based on
several key categories of finds. Given the nature
of this study, these elements should be considered
primarily in terms of group activities, so I will focus
on indicators of collective participation in rituals.
The most numerous and distinctive ritual features
are clay altars. These are typically circular or oval
platforms of fired clay, ranging from 0.5 to 1.5 m
in diameter. Some are coated with limewash, have
incised decorations, or feature central depressions
(Андрієнко 1974, с. 93-94). The tradition of
building such altars is documented across the entire
forest-steppe region. Examples have been found in
the Don region (Разуваев 2020), at Karavan hillfort
in the Siverskyi Donets basin (Гречко 2010, с. 39),
at the Basivka hillfort in the Sula basin (Макаренко
1907, с. 81), and at the Knyshivka hillfort in the Psel
basin (Гавриш 2000, с. 151). However, the largest
concentration of such altars is at the Bilsk hillfort in
the Vorskla basin (Шрамко 1984, с. 127; Вертієн-
ко 2017) and on the Dnipro’s right bank, including
the Trakhtemyriv and Motronynske hillforts (Без-
сонова 1996).
In some cases, altars appear to be individual,
household-based structures. This is suggested by
their smaller size (under 1 m in diameter) and their
location inside or near dwellings. In other cases,
multiple altars are clustered together, forming
sacred spaces. At the Bilsk hillfort, these altars are
located on the highest part of the settlement (Шрам-
ко 1984, с. 127-128), while at the Knyshivka
hillfort, 25 separate altars have been documented
near outer ramparts (Daragan, Gavrysh 2016).
Larger altars, which are generally not associated
with individual dwellings, likely served as sites for
group religious rituals. One of the most well-known
group ritual sites is at the Karavan hillfort, where
a clay altar in the shape of a dish was located near
the fortification wall. A paved stone path led to the
altar, and the entire complex was later covered by
an ashmound (Шрамко 1987, с. 182-187).
Other ritual structures in the forest-steppe
region include sacrificial pits, burial mounds used
as sanctuaries, ashmounds, public buildings, and
prayer houses (Русанова 2002). However, the
interpretation of many of these features remains
debated. Clay altars are rarely found intact, and
they are often reduced to collapsed layers of
burnt clay, making them difficult to distinguish
from hearths. Similarly, “sacrificial pits” (Ра-
зуваев 2021) are frequently classified as ritual
features based on single artefact finds, rather than
broader contextual evidence. Another issue is the
isolated nature of many ritual features — they are
often unique to a particular site and do not appear
repeatedly across different settlements. This
suggests that they represent localised traditions
rather than a widespread religious practice shared
by the entire society.
For this reason, the main criteria for
identifying ritual sites in this study are: context
— which artefacts are found in association with
these structures; monumentality — size, labour
investment, and other indicators of large-scale
construction or use. Several categories of artefacts
frequently found near ritual structures in the forest-
steppe material culture include miniature pottery,
clay models of grain and bread, anthropomorphic
and zoomorphic figurines. Although these
objects also appear outside ritual contexts, their
association with sacred sites makes them a strong
indicator of cultic activity. Another reliable marker
is the presence of human bones. For example, at
the Knyshivka hillfort, a clear correlation has been
observed between skull finds and altar clusters
(Daragan, Gavrysh 2016).
Good example in this context are ashmounds
— mound-like formations measuring up to 3–5 m
in height and up to 50 m in diameter, consisting
mainly of ash and domestic refuse. Various
interpretations of these structures exist in literature,
associating them with abandoned dwellings, ritual
sites, fireplace locations, refuse dumps, etc. (see:
Дараган 1996; Русанова 1997; Пеляшенко 2017,
с. 340; Могилов 2021, с. 31-34). However, recent
studies suggest that ashmounds were likely multi-
functional and chronologically and regionally
specific (Могилов 2021; Bilynskyi, Pototskyi,
Khodukina 2023). It appears that ashmounds were
not a direct result of ritual activity, but often were
formed at sites of abandoned dwellings or ritual
spaces. For this study, an important observation
is that ashmounds are a distinctive regional and
chronological phenomenon in the forest-steppe.
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Their high frequency (over ten known examples)
and concentration near settlements (especially in
the Psel, Vorskla, and Siverskyi Donets basins)
support this idea. However, the presence of
isolated ashmounds at giant hillforts outside these
core regions, such as at the Basivka (Болтрик, Фи-
алко 1995, с. 43) and Motronynske hillforts (Бес-
сонова, Скорый 2001, с. 16-29), suggests that
certain groups maintained traditions of ashmound
construction, even when most inhabitants of large
settlements did not.
A similar approach can be applied to cult
buildings. In general, Scythian-period dwellings
were quite small, rarely exceeding 30 m². The
average dwelling size in the Seim basin is 14.37 m²
(Билинский, Кабанов 2018, с. 17). This figure,
with some increase for post-frame buildings, can
be extrapolated to the entire forest-steppe region.
Cult and public structures stand out due to their
larger size and distinctive contexts, which are
marked by associated finds inside and around
them. I. P. Rusanova mentions large buildings at
the Bilsk hillfort, measuring 52 m² and 60 m²,
where fragments of altars, anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic figurines, clay models of bread, and
fragments of a human skull cup were found (Ру-
санова 2002, с. 133-134). Buildings used for
sacrificial rituals are marked by pits containing
sacrificial animals inside and near the structures,
as well as human skulls and dog skeletons
incorporated into their construction. According to
I. P. Rusanova, a separate type is represented by
prayer buildings, which are significantly smaller
in size, have a central hearth or altar, and are
accompanied by cult objects such as figurines and
grain models (Русанова 2002, с. 130-137).
Сollective work within society could manifest
in various ways, from the construction of cyclopean
structures, which required significant time and
manpower, to the shared organisation of spaces such
as cemeteries, sanctuaries, and cultic sites. The latter
have already been discussed above, and the forest-
steppe burial sites are a separate subject. Therefore,
to illustrate examples of collective labour, I will
focus on the most visible case — fortifications.
As mentioned earlier, more than 280 Scythian-
period hillforts are currently known in the forest-
steppe, but they differ significantly in size and
fortification systems, suggesting variations in
function and origin. All hillforts were integrated
into the existing landscape, mostly occupying
promontories or isolated hills, often bordered by
ravines that provided natural defence, or taking
advantage of other topographical features. Their
defensive systems included ramparts, ditches,
palisades, and escarpments, with construction
methods incorporating wood, stone, fired clay,
and other materials5. There are several typological
classifications in which researchers try to describe
the location, fortifications, and sometimes even the
functions of these sites (Моруженко 1985; Білин-
ський 2018; Крютченко 2019).
Among these sites are small hillforts, up to 1–2 ha
in size, with simple fortifications, typically consisting
of a circular rampart, most pronounced on the
vulnerable approach, and a ditch, which sometimes
disappears along the ravine side or transitions into
an escarpment. The ramparts of such hillforts are
typically around 100 m long or less, meaning that
labour demands for construction were relatively
low and 100–200 inhabitants could have built them
independently. This population estimate is based,
for example, on the 26 contemporaneous dwellings
at the Maritsa hillfort, which covers about 0.5 ha
(Пузикова 1981). However, for larger hillforts with
areas of 5–10 ha, it does not necessarily follow that
1,000–2,000 people lived there, yet the total length
and complexity of fortifications increased with
settlement size. From this point, it is reasonable to
assume that not only the residents of the settlement,
but also people from neighbouring villages took
part in the construction, helping to create a common
space that would benefit the entire community.
In such a scenario, collective labour would have
required a certain level of social organisation, as
someone had to oversee general management, and
the necessary construction techniques and planning
knowledge had to be available.
This principle becomes even more apparent
when examining giant hillforts. The total
length of fortifications at the Maritsa hillfort is
approximately 30 m. If its population is estimated
at about 100 people, this means that each inhabitant
was responsible for about 0.3 m of fortifications.
In contrast, the fortifications of the Bilsk hillfort
span 37 km (Крютченко 2017, с. 60). If we were
to apply the same principle, the Bilsk’s population
would need to have exceeded 120,000 inhabitants,
which is highly unrealistic. Thus, such large
hillforts were undoubtedly the result of collective
efforts beyond just their residents. This conclusion
applies to all giant hillforts over 100 ha and likely
to many smaller fortified settlements as well.
5 Detailed information about the can be found in the work by
O. О. Kriutchenko (Крютченко 2019).
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Another approach to studying fortifications
is labour cost estimation. According to
O. О. Kriutchenko’s calculations, excavations at
the Liubotyn hillfort covered approximately 17 %
of its area, revealing 18 homesteads, while the
total volume of earthworks for fortifications was
estimated at 40,000 m³ (Крютченко 2017, с. 62). The
total area of the hillfort is 4 ha (Білинський 2018,
табл. 1). Assuming that each homestead housed a
family with three adults capable of participating
in construction, and that settlement density was
proportional throughout the site, the total workforce
would be approximately 300 people. Labour cost
calculations for fortifications have been performed
by various researchers. One key factor is the soil
composition at the construction site, as its density
and the presence of stones can significantly speed
up or slow down the building process. Experimental
archaeology has provided estimates of 0.09–
0.27 m³ of soil that a single person can move per
hour (Garland 2017, p. 79). Thus, the total labour
cost for the Liubotyn hillfort fortifications, under
the most optimistic scenario, can be estimated at
148,000 person-hours, meaning that each worker
would have needed to contribute 493.8 hours of
labour.
These calculations are useful not only for
assessing the workload of the local population,
but also for highlighting the significance of their
achievements. Many fortified sites served both as
defensive structures and symbols of communal
identity, strengthening internal social cohesion
(see, e.g.: Garland 2020, p. 111-112).
The example of hillforts vividly illustrates
collective labour in the Scythian society. In the
steppe zone, another striking example is the
construction of massive burial mounds, where
mound volumes could reach 100,000 m³. These
structures were primarily built from turf, which
was cut from extensive areas and transported
to the burial site. Notably, there is no evidence
contradicting the idea that these mounds were
built in a single phase, rather than gradually over
time.
Conclusion
From the overview of certain aspects of Scythia
and the preamble to them, it is evident that we
know a great deal about objects, but very little
about society. The main reason for this, in my view,
lies in the overall development and perception of
archaeology in Ukraine and the former Soviet
Union. The ideological and theoretical monopoly
imposed on science by the authorities primarily
restricted theoretical advancements and the study of
society. The lack of access to global perspective was
also a significant factor. Additionally, there was the
issue of the “nomadic factor”, which were believed
to have developed along paths distinct from well-
studied agricultural societies. Consequently, models
proposed for Scythia were often insufficient, as they
relied on outdated postulates or were constrained
by the constant governmental control over science.
Even the best studies lacked a well-developed and
tested methodological background, and their success
often depended more on the authors’ knowledge
than on systematic research approaches.
Another challenge is the lack of a unified
perspective on Scythia in general. Its fragmentation
across multiple modern countries and its 1,000 km
span from east to west even during the Soviet era
did not facilitate collaborative research or scholar
mobility, and today, this issue is even more
pronounced. As a result, a tradition has developed
in which different parts of Scythia are studied
separately — such as the Don basin, the Dnipro's
left bank, the Dnipro's right bank with Podillia, and
other regions that are more integrated into Central
European archaeology. Due to this division, many
processes have been described using localised
examples, rather than being extrapolated to the
broader society. Most studies (including my thesis
on the Seim basin) focus on specific small regions
or particular object categories, while broader studies
covering large regions tend to describe historical
processes rather than anthropology and social
reconstruction. As a result, we have numerous
isolated datasets and observations that haven’t been
integrated into a cohesive model of society yet.
The arguments presented in this article illustrate
the Scythian forest-steppe as a complex society,
comparable to temperate Europe during the HaC–
HaD periods. All of these evidence support the thesis
that Scythia underwent urbanisation processes that
eventually led to the formation of a structure similar
to that of temperate Europe. Therefore, by analogy
with the latter, some Scythian-period settlements
may be considered cities. This trend can be seen as a
broader pattern of the time, and thus, these processes
should be studied as a common phenomenon for the
whole of Europe.
The key distinction in Scythia is the “nomad
factor.” Based on current understanding, the
emergence of elites in Scythia followed a different
trajectory. The incoming nomads became the elites
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of the indigenous society, meaning their rise to
power was rooted in a different ethnicity and the
“might makes right” principle. While this process
led to similar outcomes as in temperate Europe,
its fundamental nature was different, and its study
remains a task for the future.
At present, the most obvious and important
direction for research is the further examination
of hillforts, their role and functions in society.
Basic questions about fortification typologies have
highlighted the diversity of this phenomenon in
Scythia. Particularly interesting are the functions
of hillforts as social centres, sites of production,
and hubs of trade. Another promising avenue is the
development of a settlement hierarchy, potentially
identifying equivalents to “cities” and “towns.”
The ultimate goal of such research should be
the creation of a comprehensive model of the
Scythian society, one that reflects social processes,
demonstrates the mechanics of interaction among
different groups, and describes this society as a
unified entity.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the German Archaeologi-
cal Institute (DAI) and its staff for supporting Ukrai-
nian archaeologists during these difficult times. It is
extremely important for us to know that we are not
alone. DAI’s support made this work possible as well.
Received 10.02.2025.
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Олег Олегович Білинський
Кандидат історичних наук, доцент кафедри археології Національного університету «Києво-Могилянська академія»,
ORCID: 0000-0002-5821-5114, o.bilynskyi@ukma.edu.ua
ПРОЦЕСИ УРБАНІЗАЦІЇ РАННЬОГО ЗАЛІЗНОГО ВІКУ В СХІДНОЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОМУ ЛІСОСТЕПУ:
ВСТУП ДО ТЕМИ
Дослідження присвячене темі процесів урбанізації в суспільстві лісостепу в скіфський час. Здійснено історіографічний
огляд понять «урбанізація» та «місто», проаналізовано основні концепти та дискусії. Ця тема розглядається із
загальноєвропейської перспективи та з точки зору того, як подібні процеси описувалися для Скіфії раніше. Попри
зручність поняття «context-dependent definition of 'city'», для вступної статті як нові критерії запропоновано розглядати ті,
що найчастіше згадуються для помірної Європи періоду HaC-HaD. Далі суспільство лісостепу проаналізоване за цими
параметрами. Розміри поселень, агломерації та демографія описані на прикладі городищ скіфського часу. Складність
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2025, № 228
суспільства, соціальна нерівність, поява еліт та їх поховання розглнуті через низку досліджень в процесуальному та
постпроцесуальному руслі. Виробничі центри та майстерні описані за двома підходами: аналіз місць виробництва
та інструментів, а також за виробами металургів. Внутрішня та зовнішня торгівля висвітлені на прикладі циркуляції
предметів із місць виробництва до знахідки всередині суспільства, численними імпортами із сусідніх культур та
торговельними шляхами. Культові практики, результати колективної роботи та зборів суспільства описані на прикладі
неутилітарних споруд та зольників. Результати групової роботи подано на прикладі масштабних городищ скіфського
часу. У кінці статті констатується можливість інтерпретації деяких пам’яток лісостепу як ранньоурбанізаційних центрів
та надзвичайна подібність «археологічного сліду», який лишили процеси урбанізації в лісостепу скіфського часу, до
того, що ми спостерігаємо в помірній Європі періоду HaC-HaD. Запропоновано основний напрямок дослідження цих
процесів у майбутньому, а саме подальше розроблення теми ролі та функцій городищ у скіфський час.
К л ю ч о в і с л о в а: Скіфія, лісостеп, ранньозалізна доба, урбанізація, місто, городища, соціальна нерівність та склад-
ність, війна, торгівля, культ.
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| spelling | arheologia-com-ua-article-4122025-07-04T20:02:41Z Processes of Early Iron Age Urbanisation of Eastern European Forest-Steppe: The State of the Art Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми Bilynskyi, O. O. Scythia, forest-steppe, Early Iron Age, urbanisation, city, hillforts, social inequality and complexity, warfare, trade, cult Скіфія, лісостеп, ранньозалізна доба, урбанізація, місто, городища, соціальна нерівність та складність, війна, торгівля, культ This study explores the processes of social complexity and urbanisation in the forest-steppe Scythia, arguing that at least some settlements can be classified as urban centres. The article examines fortifications, production centres, trade networks, and ritual spaces as key indicators of urbanisation. Дослідження присвячене темі процесів урбанізації в суспільстві лісостепу в скіфський час. Здійснено історіографічний огляд понять «урбанізація» та «місто», проаналізовано основні концепти та дискусії. Ця тема розглядається із загальноєвропейської перспективи та з точки зору того, як подібні процеси описувалися для Скіфії раніше. Попри зручність поняття «context-dependent definition of 'city'», для вступної статті як нові критерії запропоновано розглядати ті, що найчастіше згадуються для помірної Європи періоду HaC-HaD. Далі суспільство лісостепу проаналізоване за цими параметрами. Розміри поселень, агломерації та демографія описані на прикладі городищ скіфського часу. Складність суспільства, соціальна нерівність, поява еліт та їх поховання розглнуті через низку досліджень в процесуальному та постпроцесуальному руслі. Виробничі центри та майстерні описані за двома підходами: аналіз місць виробництва та інструментів, а також за виробами металургів. Внутрішня та зовнішня торгівля висвітлені на прикладі циркуляції предметів із місць виробництва до знахідки всередині суспільства, численними імпортами із сусідніх культур та торговельними шляхами. Культові практики, результати колективної роботи та зборів суспільства описані на прикладі неутилітарних споруд та зольників. Результати групової роботи подано на прикладі масштабних городищ скіфського часу. У кінці статті констатується можливість інтерпретації деяких пам’яток лісостепу як ранньоурбанізаційних центрів та надзвичайна подібність «археологічного сліду», який лишили процеси урбанізації в лісостепу скіфського часу, до того, що ми спостерігаємо в помірній Європі періоду HaC-HaD. Запропоновано основний напрямок дослідження цих процесів у майбутньому, а саме подальше розроблення теми ролі та функцій городищ у скіфський час. Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine 2025-06-26 Article Article application/pdf https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/412 10.15407/archaeologyua2025.02.005 Arheologia; No 2 (2025): Arheologia; 5-31 Археологія ; № 2 (2025): Археологія; 5-31 Археология; № 2 (2025): Arheologia; 5-31 2616-499X 0235-3490 en https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/412/422 Copyright (c) 2025 Arheologia https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode.en |
| spellingShingle | Скіфія лісостеп ранньозалізна доба урбанізація місто городища соціальна нерівність та складність війна торгівля культ Bilynskyi, O. O. Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title | Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title_alt | Processes of Early Iron Age Urbanisation of Eastern European Forest-Steppe: The State of the Art |
| title_full | Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title_fullStr | Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title_full_unstemmed | Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title_short | Процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| title_sort | процеси урбанізації раннього залізного віку в східноєвропейскьому лісостепу: вступ до теми |
| topic | Скіфія лісостеп ранньозалізна доба урбанізація місто городища соціальна нерівність та складність війна торгівля культ |
| topic_facet | Scythia forest-steppe Early Iron Age urbanisation city hillforts social inequality and complexity warfare trade cult Скіфія лісостеп ранньозалізна доба урбанізація місто городища соціальна нерівність та складність війна торгівля культ |
| url | https://arheologia.com.ua/index.php/arheologia/article/view/412 |
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