Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion?
The present contribution focuses on extraordinary features with human remains of the 4th century BC which have been discovered to the west of the core city area of Olbia Pontica. There are numerous multiple burials within former settlement structures. The deceased were put in them without any g...
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irk-123456789-1996012024-10-18T21:11:54Z Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? Fornasier, J. Ivchenko, A.V. Kuzmishchev, O.H. Статтi The present contribution focuses on extraordinary features with human remains of the 4th century BC which have been discovered to the west of the core city area of Olbia Pontica. There are numerous multiple burials within former settlement structures. The deceased were put in them without any grave goods, mainly in irregular positions and in some cases with obvious traces of external violence. Based on the archaeological finding, which is presented here for the first time exhaustively, we review the suggestion of previous research: a possible connection of these features with human remains with the siege of the city by the Macedonian general Zopyrion, which has been recorded in literature. Статтю присвячено поточним результатам українсько-німецького спільного проєкту, що проводить дослідження в Ольвії Понтійській з історії містобудування стародавнього міста з 2014 р. Основу увагу приділено похованням IV століття до н.е. З 1960-х років вони були виявлені в районі на захід від основного міста, яке спочатку використовувалося під житлову забудову і було оточене укріпленням. До сьогодення ці поховання були недостатньо опубліковані. Вони, вочевидь, знаменують процес глибокої трансформації міського розвитку з середини IV ст. до н.е. та додатково проливають нове світло на історію тогочасних подій. Так, у межах колишніх поселенських структур виявлено кілька множинних поховань, у яких померлі були покладені без інвентаря та переважно у нетипових позах. Ці колишні поселенські структури: рів укріплення, побудований в пізньоархаїчний період, цистерна або навіть господарські ями – мали, таким чином, бути ще достатньо і майже цілком видимими під час їх вторинного використання. З одного боку, ці знахідки свідчать про те, що могили мали бути закладені відразу після того, як західна частина міста була занедбана. З іншого боку, (прагматичне) використання таких різноманітних споруд, які ще функціонували, схоже, не вказує на наявність у цей час звичайного некрополя в цьому районі. У багатьох випадках на кістках вдалося зафіксувати зовнішні пошкодження, що свідчить про надзвичайну кризову ситуацію. У попередніх дослідженнях ця криза вже пов’язувалась з облогою Ольвії македонським полководцем Зопіріоном, що відображено в літературі. Збіг у часі військової кризи в Ольвії (331 р. до н. е.) з появою за міською брамою нестандартних масових поховань дійсно вражає. Однак конкретний зв’язок між цими явищами дотепер було встановлено без достатнього розгляду матеріальних доказів. Мета цієї статті, таким чином, полягає в тому, щоб розглянути обґрунтованість запропонованої тези про причинно-наслідковий зв’язок на підставі відомих археологічних знахідок, які тут уперше докладно представлені. 2024 Article Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? / J. Fornasier, A.V. Ivchenko, O.H. Kuzmishchev // Археологія. — 2024. — № 1. — С. 25-68. — англ. 0235-3490 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2024.01.025 http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/199601 904.5(477.73)”652” en Археологія Інститут археології НАН України |
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Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
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English |
| topic |
Статтi Статтi |
| spellingShingle |
Статтi Статтi Fornasier, J. Ivchenko, A.V. Kuzmishchev, O.H. Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? Археологія |
| description |
The present contribution focuses on extraordinary
features with human remains of the 4th century BC
which have been discovered to the west of the core city
area of Olbia Pontica. There are numerous multiple
burials within former settlement structures. The
deceased were put in them without any grave goods,
mainly in irregular positions and in some cases with
obvious traces of external violence. Based on the
archaeological finding, which is presented here for
the first time exhaustively, we review the suggestion
of previous research: a possible connection of these
features with human remains with the siege of the city
by the Macedonian general Zopyrion, which has been
recorded in literature. |
| format |
Article |
| author |
Fornasier, J. Ivchenko, A.V. Kuzmishchev, O.H. |
| author_facet |
Fornasier, J. Ivchenko, A.V. Kuzmishchev, O.H. |
| author_sort |
Fornasier, J. |
| title |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? |
| title_short |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? |
| title_full |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? |
| title_fullStr |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? |
| title_sort |
disposal of the dead in recently abandoned settlement areas — an evidence of the siege of olbia pontica by zopyrion? |
| publisher |
Інститут археології НАН України |
| publishDate |
2024 |
| topic_facet |
Статтi |
| url |
http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/handle/123456789/199601 |
| citation_txt |
Disposal of the Dead in Recently Abandoned Settlement Areas — an Evidence of the Siege of Olbia Pontica by Zopyrion? / J. Fornasier, A.V. Ivchenko, O.H. Kuzmishchev // Археологія. — 2024. — № 1. — С. 25-68. — англ. |
| series |
Археологія |
| work_keys_str_mv |
AT fornasierj disposalofthedeadinrecentlyabandonedsettlementareasanevidenceofthesiegeofolbiaponticabyzopyrion AT ivchenkoav disposalofthedeadinrecentlyabandonedsettlementareasanevidenceofthesiegeofolbiaponticabyzopyrion AT kuzmishchevoh disposalofthedeadinrecentlyabandonedsettlementareasanevidenceofthesiegeofolbiaponticabyzopyrion |
| first_indexed |
2024-10-19T04:01:58Z |
| last_indexed |
2024-10-19T04:01:58Z |
| _version_ |
1813313506087272448 |
| fulltext |
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 1 25
УДК: 904.5(477.73)”652” https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2024.01.025
* FORNASIER Jochen ― apl. Prof. Dr., Institute for Art
History and European Archaeologies, Martin Luther
University Halle-Wittenberg, Halle (Saale), ORCID:
0000-0002-1660-8251, jochen.fornasier@altertum.uni-
halle.de
IVCHENKO Andrii Valeriiovych ― Junior Research
Fellow, Institute of Archaeology, National Academy
of Sciences of Ukraine, the Classical Archaeology
Department, ORCID: 0000-0001-7496-4281, coman-
dor_a@ukr.net
KUZMISHCHEV Oleksandr Hennadiiovych ― PhD,
Research Fellow, Institute of Archaeology, National
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, the Classical
Archaeology Department, ORCID: 0000-0003-2718-
7111, a.kuzm@ukr.net
DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD IN RECENTLY ABANDONED
SETTLEMENT AREAS — AN EVIDENCE OF THE SIEGE OF OLBIA
PONTICA BY ZOPYRION?
© J. FORNASIER, A. V. IVCHENKO, O. H. KUZMISHCHEV* 2024
The present contribution focuses on extraordinary
features with human remains of the 4th century BC
which have been discovered to the west of the core city
area of Olbia Pontica. There are numerous multiple
burials within former settlement structures. The
deceased were put in them without any grave goods,
mainly in irregular positions and in some cases with
obvious traces of external violence. Based on the
archaeological finding, which is presented here for
the first time exhaustively, we review the suggestion
of previous research: a possible connection of these
features with human remains with the siege of the city
by the Macedonian general Zopyrion, which has been
recorded in literature.
K e y w o r d s: Lower Buh Region, Olbia Pontica,
Classical period, Zopyrion, city siege, urban
development.
The altered cityscape of Olbia in Archaic-
Classical times
In 2014, when a Ukrainian-German cooperative
project started its interdisciplinary research in the
west of Olbia, the goals were evident (fig. 1). The
academic focus was to be on the suburb, which had
previously been investigated only sparsely. While
its general existence in this area was regarded as
unequivocally verified after the excavations con-
ducted by Yu. I. Kozub (Козуб 1979a, с. 316-325;
1979b, с. 3-34), only little was known about its
extension, structure and appearance. With the help
of geophysical prospections, research-relevant
structures were supposed to be localised on a large
scale. Their academic meaningfulness in regard to
the question at hand was then to be examined by
purposeful excavations. In this manner, the inter-
national cooperation team tried to set a higher lev-
el of knowledge about the suburb against the in-
tensive research in the core city in order to better
understand the Milesian apoikia at the banks of the
Buh in its entirety.1
Today — approximately ten years later — our
perception of the urban development of Olbia in
the 6th—4th centuries BC has changed completely
thanks to the newly achieved Ukrainian-German
excavation results. Therefore, the previously
relevant reconstructions need to be updated
comprehensively. Especially in the case of the early
period of the Olbian city history in the 6th/5th century
BC, this topic has been put up for discussion in the
academic public by numerous research contributions
in recent years (Fornasier, Buiskykh 2021, S. 203-
227; Buiskikh, Fornasier 2022, p. 195-228;
Fornasier, Buiskykh, Kuzmishchev 2022, p. 67-
95; Fornasier, Buiskykh 2023, S. 101-114). Thus,
between 2014 and 2017, a previously unknown
fortification system from Late Archaic times could
be located in the west of Olbia. It secured a city area
of up to 70 ha to the north and west and thereby
immediately clarified that the traditional separation
in a core city and a suburb (proasteion) is no longer
consistent with the archaeological findings at the
1 The partner organisations involved were the Institute
of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences
of Ukraine in Kyiv and the Institute of Art History and
European Archaeologies of the Martin Luther University
Halle-Wittenberg: the team leaders are Alla V. Buyskikh
and Jochen Fornasier. We thank the German Research
Foundation (DFG) for their extensive support, which has
initially enabled the execution of our researches. Many
thanks to Cornelia Voelsch for the translation of the
manuscript and to Karl Krentz for the supporting researches
prior to the study.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 126
site. The area formerly defined as suburb was, quite
contrary, an integral part of the actual settlement
territory (located intra muros), which, especially
during the initial period, presented comparable
characteristics area-wide (cf. Kuzmishchev 2021,
p. 185-202). A qualitative gradation, which has been
postulated for a long time, is simply impossible on
the basis of the currently known material findings.
In addition, investigations of the Olbian sacral
topography of Late Archaic times permitted an
update of the previously suggested theses on the
urban developmental phases of the city. These were
also affirmed by analytical studies on the necropolis
areas (most recently Buiskykh, Ivchenko 2021,
p. 155-184). Already before the construction of
the western fortification, numerous sanctuaries
emerged at the edges of the future city area. On
the one hand, they secured the settlement territory
from the outside on a sacral level and, on the other
hand, marked it visibly from afar, while the earliest
graves were also created beyond the “imagined”
space. Thus, despite decade-long excavations in
the area to the west of the core city, no graves of
the 6th/5th century BC were found within the area
limited by the rampart and moat system. Therefore,
a systematic and future-oriented approach to the
urban usage of space can be perceived from the
beginning.
In the context of the Ukrainian-German
cooperative project, new results could not only be
achieved for the early period of the urban planning
development. New insights were also gained into
the urban transformation process from the middle of
the 4th century onward, when the western part of the
Olbian settlement territory was first abandoned and
then successively introduced to a sepulchral usage.
Already Yu. I. Kozub had noted that in the “suburb”
investigated by her, no settlement structures dating
after the first quarter of the 4th century BC could be
verified (Козуб 1979, с. 29; cf. Fornasier et al. 2018,
p. 244-245). In later times alike, no findings were
discovered which were younger than from the
middle of the 4th century BC (most recently Buiskikh,
Fornasier 2022, p. 220) — with the exception of a
smaller early Hellenistic cult complex along the so-
called western road, which has been discovered only
a few years ago; it had been erected inside earlier
settlement structures in secondary usage (object 22
in the area HEKP-4, cf. Kuzmishchev 2021, p. 198-
201). A specific review of overall 285 graves which
were found within the area intra muros and whose
chronological determination was supposed to serve
as an immediate counter-check of our thesis of
an extensively planned settlement area from the
beginning, directed our attention furthermore to ten
features with human remains of the 4th century BC.
In the following, these features will be the focus
Fig. 1. Olbia Pontica. The city area of the Milesian colony. At the background the current research area of the Ukrainian-German
research project. View from the south-east
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 1 27
of the study at hand. An extensive description of
all subsequent burials located intra muros is only
planned for the final publication of our Ukrainian-
German research project.
These Late Classical burials do not only distinguish
themselves due to their chronological determination
to exactly this transformation phase whereby they
unmistakably denote a new urban development level
within Olbia. A part of them is also characterised by
remarkably irregular burial forms, being multiple
burials with up to 52 individuals in secondarily
used former storage pits. The fact that some of the
deceased were obviously killed by external violence
has attracted attention from the beginning, and early
on led to the assumption of a crisis situation in Olbia
(Козуб 1975a, с. 28). A causal connection with the
literarily recorded siege of the city by the troops of
the Macedonian general Zopyrion has been already
addressed occasionally (Козуб 1984, с. 162-163;
Vinogradov 1997a, S. 331-332).
An essential publication of these burials is
missing up to now. In the following, the findings
will be therefore presented in detail and, if possible,
visualised on the basis of the respectively prevailing
status of the documentation. Only after that, a
tangible connection with the events in the last third
of the 4th century BC which are recorded in literature
will be examined regarding to its validity2.
Burials of the 4th Century BC in the Western City
Area of Olbia
Due to the study of the relevant excavation
reports on the early fieldwork, which had once been
conducted on the newly discovered area surrounded
by a fortification, it was possible to perform a
(counter-)check of all in all 285 grave findings
(fig. 2), of which 165 graves (table 1) could be dated
during the excavations. Especially interesting for
our issue were ten burial places which were dated to
the 4th century BC and therefore to a period of time
when, based on the findings of the settlement, an
2 Thanks to the unrestricted cooperativeness of the Institute
of Archaeology of the National Academy of Sciences of
Ukraine in Kyiv, we have for the first time been allowed
accessing to all relevant excavation documentation in order
to close in on our frequently discussed question of Zopyri-
on’s presence “at the gates” of Olbia on the basis of the ma-
terial evidence. For this extensive support, which, especial-
ly against the current background of the Russian offensive
war against Ukraine contrary to international law, required
a maximum of flexibility, the authors like to express their
special gratitude to all those involved.
abandonment of the western city area of Olbia has
been postulated up to now.
At least eight of these burials from the Late
Classical era show comparable characteristics: they
are all dated from the middle of the 4th century BC
onward, most of them feature clear signs of irregular
burials. They are mostly built secondarily into the
structures which were formerly used for settlement
purposes and in five cases, there were also multiple
burials with up to 52 deceased humans.
All these observations clearly point to the lack
of a systematic and extensive necropolis already
in the 4th century BC. Such a necropolis can only
be convincingly verified from the 2nd century
BC onward, based on the distribution analysis
(table 1). This situation leads to the assumption
that irregular burials in the 4th century BC were
necessary, which might have been the result of an
extraordinary crisis situation in Olbia. Only one
child grave (3/1978), and — with reservations
— also the heavily disturbed grave 1/2009 can
most probably be interpreted as regular burials.
Being one of the earliest evidences of this type,
they also document a smooth transition towards a
different usage of this territory.
Before discussing the issue of a possible causal
connection between the military threat on Olbia
and the emergence of the irregular burials on the
territory west of the Olbian core city, it is first
necessary to describe the relevant burial findings.
The information density on the individual burials
— especially the graphic and photographic records
and level of detail in the measurements — reflects the
respective level of the excavation documentation in
Olbian research history, which, in the study presented
here, covers a period of close to 60 years. All available
sources were incorporated into the observations. In
cases where there were no detailed photographic or
graphic records available in the excavation reports,
our focus lay predominantly on the statements on
the statistically recorded find material. Of course,
a certain error rate in the classification of the small
finds spectrum in the past, which has naturally
become more precise over time, has to be taken into
consideration. Nevertheless, all people responsible
for the excavations discussed here, which in some
cases took place long ago, were renowned specialists,
who at the time of the respective field researches
had already been working in Olbia for many years
and exactly knew the general find spectrum of this
Milesian colony. The expectable margin of error is
therefore within acceptable parameters. Thus, the
datings and conclusions, which cannot be directly
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 128
verified today, because the original objects are lost or
inaccessible, can still serve as a secure basis for the
following studies.
Pit 1/1966 (cistern) in the area Plateau II (Qu.
7/1966)3. Already during the excavation campaigns
3 The labels of the features correspond to those originally
attributed in the respective excavation reports. To ensure
unambiguous identification, no sequential numbering is used.
1966–1967, it was possible to examine a structure
(at first: Pit 1) inside of Quadrat 7 on Plateau II,
which revealed first clues to a secondary usage as a
burial pit (Козуб 1966, c. 7-9; 1967a, c. 7-9; 1967b,
c. 209). At a distance of about 4 m from a settlement
dugout (no. 4/1966) deepened into the ground, a cis-
tern was found. It was up to 4.76 m deep; its rough-
ly round shaft was 1.52 m in diameter in the upper
Fig. 2. Olbia Pontica. Location of the excavation areas in the west of Olbia mentioned in the text (former Olbian suburb):
1 — Plateau II; 2 — Plateau III; 3 — Pivnichnyi Mys 1; 4 — HEKP-7; 5 — Plateau I; 6 — Southern Plateau (picture on the basis
of: Google, DigitalGlobe 2015)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 1 29
part and widened to the bottom to 2.03 m (fig. 3:
1). The cistern walls were completely dug into the
natural soil and seem to have been originally faced
with bigger stones, which have been found in large
numbers inside the filling layers between 2 m and
2.7 m in the collapsed debris (fig. 3: 2). From a
depth of 2.48 m onward, the cistern walls were also
evidently covered with a bluish waterproof clay lay-
er, which is up to 14 cm thick (Козуб 1967a, с. 7).
This convincingly emphasises the interpretation of
Pit 1 as a cistern.
In the upper parts (up to 2.40 m), the filling
layers within the cistern consisted of solid
yellowish clay with shards of ceramics (inv.
no. 1910‒1921). Their examination in 1966 led
to the discovery of a heavily distorted human
skeleton (inv. no. 1997) at a depth of 2 m. Both
the extraordinary posture of the deceased and the
fact that grave goods were missing completely
prompted the excavators to conclude that in all
probability, this was no regular burial. Instead,
the body was apparently disposed of in the
cistern, which was no longer used according to
its original function (Козуб 1967a, с. 8).
This thesis received immediate confirmation by
the findings of the lower filling layers which could
be uncovered during the excavation campaign in
1967. Separated from the upper filling by a burnt
layer, which was up to 20 cm high and consisted
of burnt clay with numerous inclusions of charcoal,
there was now loose soil up to the floor of the
cistern. This soil contained a high number of mostly
ceramic find objects, which dated to the second
half of the 5th — the first half of the 4th century
BC. They include fragments of amphorae from
Chios, Thasos and the grey clay amphora type
from Lesbos. In addition, there were fragments of
black-glazed pottery, partly decorated with stamps,
of numerous kitchenware and handmade ceramic,
remains of a red clay fish plate, an iron knife and,
directly on the cistern ground, more amphorae
which were crushed by the soil and probably were
originally used for carrying water. Finally, remains
of several dog skeletons (fig. 3: 3) were found at
different depths and further human remains in an
extremely crouched position at the western edge of
the cistern at −2.8 m (Козуб 1967a, с. 8-9). More
specific statements on the find situation or on the
specific stratigraphy can unfortunately not be made
based on the state of documentation from the 1960s.
However, the finding does generally not show
discernible signs of a regular burial or, in the case
of the dog skeletons, of sacral actions (cf. Fornasier,
Buiskykh, Kuzmishchev 2022, p. 83-84).
Fig. 3. Olbia Pontica. Pit 1/1966 (cistern): 1 — a profile and a ground plan of the cistern; 2 — a view into the cistern (during the
work process); 3 — remains of a dog skeleton in the filling of the cistern (excavation in 1967)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 130
The secondary usage of the cistern as a
pit, which, beside burnt and waste layers, also
contained animal cadavers and two human bodies
disposed of irregularly, enabled a basic conclusion
already in the early stages of the academic research
in the so-called suburb: after the abandonment of
the settlement area in the middle of the 4th century
BC, still visible structures were, obviously very
soon, used unconventionally and probably also
under time pressure for the disposal of deceased
individuals. This is an up to now singular finding,
which should be enhanced by numerous other,
sometimes even more expressive, excavation
results from the following decades.
Pit 18/1974 on Plateau III (Qu. 584). Pit
18/1974 is the largest finding spot of the here dis-
cussed multiple burials in the north-west of the Ol-
bian city area. Already in 1973, the complex with-
in Qu. 584 was first localised in its upper area and
was originally named Grave 26/1973. Its findings
seem to have been disturbed by the dromos of the
subsequent chamber burial no. 24/1973 (Козуб
1974, с. 33; 1975a, с. 26). Due to the extremely
complex stratigraphic situation and difficile qual-
ity of the filling layers, the complete examination
was delayed to the following excavation campaign
for time reasons (Козуб 1975a, с. 26-28; 1975b,
с. 295-296; 1984, с. 162-163).
Pit 18/1974 was deepened into the natural soil
to a depth of 2.2 m from the ancient surface level.
Its cross-section was bell-shaped and it had an
overall round shape with a diameter of up to 3.25 m
(fig. 4). There was only little fragmented ceramic
material in the upper, densely compacted filling
layers (Козуб 1975b, с. 295-296). In contrast, at
a depth of 1.1 m from the edge of the pit, there
were loose dark soil layers, which reached down
to the floor of the pit and contained human
remains of all in all 52 individuals (fig. 4: 2—3;
5) — both in the form of whole skeletons and of
singular skulls (Козуб 1975a, с. 26; 1984, с. 162-
163). Anthropological investigations prove that
the majority of the human remains were youths/
young adults with ages between 9 and 25 (Козуб
1975a, с. 28). Only three cases seem to feature
older persons (according to T. S. Konduktorova;
cf. Корпусова 1983, с. 171-172).
The skeletons were arranged in several rows.
Most of them were placed horizontally; some,
however, featured a half-vertical position, which is
why they could overlap each other. The posture of
the deceased was mostly crouched and twisted with
thrown-back heads; Skeleton 1 was found with
bent arms and hands which originally covered the
face (Козуб 1975a, с. 27). Another case featured
the skeleton of a grown-up above that of a child,
who was obviously supposed to be protected from
external damage by this posture. Additionally,
many of the skulls were heavily punctured and
one deceased also had half of his face completely
shattered.
All in all, the findings point unambiguously to
a violent death of all individuals found in this pit.
According to Yu. I. Kozub, the deceased were even
killed directly at this place with the help of sharp
stones — among them fragments of marble louteria
(inv. no. 724) — or huge fragments of amphorae and
finally with arrows (inv. no. 726), which also belong
to the spectrum of finds (Козуб 1975a, с. 27; 1975b,
с. 295-296; 1984, с. 162-163; 2003, с. 124). This
could be postulated convincingly by the posture
of the buried humans, the traces of injuries on the
skulls and their position in relation to these objects.
In one case, for example, one of the large stones was
found in situ right on top of one of the skulls. In
addition, two of the skeletons featured round iron
rings (inv. no. 738) with a diameter of 12 cm on the
legs (fig. 6), which, in all probability, were shackles
(Козуб 1984, с. 162-163; cf. Vinogradov 1997a,
S. 331; 1997b, S. 288 with note 44).
Some skeletons were accompanied by personal
adornments, which the people had worn at the time
of their death. Among them are a shell necklace (inv.
no. 737, fig. 7: 1), two large pearls (inv. no. 735‒736,
fig. 7: 2—3), round bronze earrings (inv. no. 728, fig.
7: 4), a bronze bracelet (inv. no. 652, fig. 7: 6) with
triangular studs at the ends, a bronze button (inv. no.
653, fig. 7: 5) and a bronze clasp (inv. no. 730, fig.
7: 7) (Козуб 1975a, с. 27). In addition, there were
remains of iron objects (inv. no. 654; 731‒733, fig. 8),
including two knives and a dagger. Moreover, there
were numerous remnants of ceramic vessels between
the human remains. Selected pieces were inventoried
by the excavation leaders at the time (fig. 9–11):
among them are different types of black-glazed
pottery (inv. nos. 643‒647; 722‒723), red and grey
clay vessels (inv. nos. 639‒640; 648; 716‒718; 720),
kitchenware (inv. nos. 641; 719‒721) or handmade
vessels (inv. no. 642). Among the transport vessels
(fig. 12) are the lower part of an amphora from Chios
(inv. no. 638) belonging to type V-B according to
S. Yu. Monakhov (cf. Монахов 2003, с. 21-22, табл.
12; Монахов et al. 2019, с. 95) and the upper part of a
Heracleian amphora (inv. no. 713) belonging to type
I-A according to Monakhov with a rectangular stamp
at the neck (cf. Монахов 2003, с. 143, 320-322,
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табл. 90; Монахов et al. 2019, с. 202). According
to V. I. Kats and N. F. Fedoseev (Кац 2007, с. 429;
Федосеев 2016, с. 40-44 № 26-79), the stamps of
the magistrate Αἰτήρ are dated to the 380s‒370s BC.
Considered together, these objects suggest a dating
of the whole finding to the second/third quarter of the
4th century BC (Козуб 1975a, с. 28; 1975b, с. 296;
1984, с. 163) — a timeframe to which also the black-
glazed vessels of the second quarter/middle of the 4th
century (fig. 9) can be convincingly classified.
At last, two dog skeletons belong to the spectrum of
finds. One of them was uncovered in the centre of Pit
Fig. 4. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974: 1 — a profile and a ground plan of the pit; 2 — the find situation in the filling layer at −2.40
m; 3 — the find situation at ca. −2.6 m
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Fig. 5. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. The find situation in the filling layer at −2.4 m: 1 — a view from the north; 2 — a view from the
east
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Fig. 6. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Iron An iron ring (inv. no. 738) with a diameter of 12 cm on the legs of a skeleton (a view
from the north)
18/1974 right beneath a large stone. In contrast to the
dog burials in Olbia known previously (cf. Fornasier,
Buiskykh, Kuzmishchev 2022, p. 83-84), these two
animals do not seem to represent ritual burials. It
should rather be considered that these two dogs were
forced to share the fate of the people “buried” here.
Grave 3/1978 on Plateau III (Qu. 542). Grave
3/1978 was located on Plateau III in Qu. 542 and
could be registered from a depth of 1.62—1.65
m (Козуб 1978, с. 8). It was a pit grave, which
contours, however, could no longer be completely
determined (fig. 13). In the yellow clay pit filling,
the skeleton of a child was found. It was lying on
its left side with the left arm alongside the body,
while the head was pointing in a north-north-east
direction. The preserved length of the skeleton was
1.05 m, its width 0.40 m.
Among the few grave inventories was a piece of
jewellery with two herms of lead (cf. Хмелевский
2016, с. 170), which were fixed beside each other
on an elongated connective piece (inv. no. 146,
fig. 13: 4). It was found immediately beneath the
neck vertebrae and therefore might most probably
have once been worn as sort of an amulet around
the neck. To the left of the head on the height of
the right shoulder there was also an Attic squat
lekythos (so-called net lekythos, surroundings
of the Bulas group, inv. no. 144, fig. 13: 2) and
a fragmented black-glaze cup-kantharos (inv. no.
145, fig. 13: 3). Finally, all in all 37 fragmented
and one completely preserved nail (inv. no. 147)
were found around the skeleton, which probably
belonged to a former wooden coffin.
In a direct comparison to the graves described
previously, this is undoubtedly a case of a regular
burial, since there are a burial pit, remains of a
coffin and even a grave inventory. A dating of the
finding has not been conducted at that time; follow-
up investigations based on the ceramic vessels
print to the second-third quarter of the 4th century
BC. Despite the finding seeming unremarkable at
a first glance, Grave 3/1978 on Plateau III is the
first definite clue to a transformation of the former
settlement area in the west of Olbia into a regular
necropolis — obviously immediately after the
abandonment of the living and economic areas
and above all synchronous to the extraordinarily
irregular multiple burials of this time. Especially
this last observation on the one hand verifies a
seemingly organised start of the transformation
within the area; on the other hand, it points to a
possibly unexpected extreme situation in the third
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quarter of the 4th century BC which led to the
extraordinary multiple burials.
Pit 1/2002 in area Pivnichnyi (Severnyi)
Mys 1 (Qu. 16/17). Only several metres further
north of Pit 18/1974, another multiple burial was
investigated in the excavation area Pivnichnyi
Mys 1 in 2002. It featured a similarly extraordinary
finding. Human remains of overall 18 individuals
could be verified (Козуб 2003, с. 123-124; Ко-
зуб et al. 2002, с. 9-10). This Pit 1/2002 was up to
1.39 m deep, had a roughly round shape in the plan
and measured 1.92 m × 1.84 m at its upper edge.
Towards the bottom it widened in a bell shape to
an area of 2.25 m × 2.10 m (fig. 14: 1). The filling
layers consisted of uniformly grey sandy clay and
therefore seem to have been brought into the pit in
one singular process (cf. Козуб 2003, с. 123-124).
Only in the cases of four people buried in
Pit 1/2002 (nos. 6; 7; 16; 17), the bones laid
in an anatomically correct position and only
one skeleton of a woman (no. 7, fig. 14: 2) was
additionally accompanied by small finds in the
form of personal adornment objects (Козуб et al.
2002, с. 9-10). The skeleton was 1.58 m long and
laid roughly horizontally on its back with its arms
alongside the body and the head pointing south at
a depth of 1.06 m in the pit filling layer. According
to the excavation reports, there were bronze
earrings on both sides of the skull (one of them
containing a pearl, inv. no. 330); two bronze rings
in the form of a snake were found at her right hand
(inv. no. 332) and a round bronze bracelet was
on her right arm (inv. no. 331, fig. 14: 3). At the
neck, the arms and the legs, a multitude of pearls
of dark and blue glass paste (inv. no. 329) could
be registered which formerly obviously served as
decoration of unpreserved clothes. Based on the
excavation records, a more detailed analysis of
the findings is impossible; in addition, the original
objects themselves are unfortunately inaccessible
Fig. 7. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — parts of a necklace from snail shells of Nassariidiae
(inv. no. 737); 2 — a polychrome glass pearl with festoon-like decor (inv. no. 735) from the second half of the 4th century BC
(according to A. М. Kolesnichenko, cf. Мозолевський 1979, с. 123, № 12); 3 — a cone-shaped pearl of greenish glass (inv.
no. 736); 4 — bronze earrings (inv. no. 728); 5 — a bronze button (inv. no. 653); 6 — a bronze bracelet (inv. no. 652); 7 — a
bronze clasp (inv. no. 730)
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Fig. 8. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — an iron dagger (inv. no. 654); 2 — an iron knife
(inv. no. 731); 3 — an iron knife with the remains of a bone handle (inv. no. 732); 4 — an iron item (inv. no. 733)
to the authors for an indefinite period of time due
to the war.
All other individuals were thrown into the pit
without further consideration. Their skeletons laid
contorted and with their faces down in irregular
order (fig. 15: 1). In many cases, extremities were
missing, as for example with Skeleton 6, which
was missing a leg and the left hand. Moreover, it
is striking that most skulls were found apart from
the skeletons and, in contrast to the finding in Pit
18/1974, did not show signs of trauma as direct
cause of death. Anthropological examinations of
the bones of 16 deceased indicated seven male
and four female adults and five children. The
ages of the deceased ranged from 4—7 to 65—70
(according to T. A. Nazarova). Overall, according
to Yu. I. Kozub (Козуб 2003, с. 124), the finding
again points to a multiple burial which probably
had to be created in Olbia as a reaction to an
“extreme situation” and for which the still visible
pit, which had formerly been used for settlement
purposes, was re-used. It cannot generally be ruled
out that — except for Skeleton no. 7 — we are
dealing with a subsequent transfer of remains
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Fig. 9. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Attic black-glaze pottery from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — a kantharos (inv. no. 645) (375–
350 BC) (cf. Sparkes, Talcott, Richter 1970, p. 283; pl. 28, № 657); 2 — a skyphos (inv. no. 646) (400—380 BC) (Sparkes, Talcott,
Richter 1970, p. 280, pl. 27, № 622); 3 — a kantharos (inv. no. 647) (375—350 BC) (cf. Sparkes, Talcott, Richter 1970, p. 283;
pl. 28, № 668); 4 — a skyphos (inv. no. 723) (375—350 BC) (Sparkes, Talcott, Richter 1970, p. 279; pl. 6, 26 № 608; 56, № 664)
of earlier burials into Pit 1/2002. The missing
of numerous extremities could thereby be easily
explained. However, the place of discovery of all
human remains in one and the same homogeneous
filling layer and their stratigraphically comparable
characteristics speak strongly against this. Based
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on the recorded finding, only one conclusion
remains: all deceased were brought to the pit at
the same time. The fragmentariness of the human
remains in some cases — as compared to Skeleton
no. 7 — must have been caused by another
extraordinary (extreme) reason.
Among the few small finds from the filling
are an extremely badly preserved fragment
of a dagger (inv. no. 259), a repeatedly folded
small lead plate, which features scripture in its
interior (inv. no. 309) and which is still to be
published (A. Ivantchik, forthcoming) and an
arrowhead (inv. no. 311б) and two coins, which
are dated (by V. V. Krutilov) to 380—360 BC
(inv. no. 260) and 330—300 BC (inv. no. 260a)
(fig. 15: 2). Few shards of black-glazed pottery
(inv. no. 256), of red and grey clay ware (inv.
nos. 306; 307) and the fragment of a red-figured
vessel (inv. no. 308) point chronologically to the
second half of the 4th century BC (Козуб 2003,
с. 124). Thus, if the dating of the coin no. 260а
is correct, we have a terminus post quem of the
330s BC for this complex, which chronologically
corresponds to the time of a possible attack by
Zopyrion on Olbia.
At last, immediately on the floor of the pit,
there were two iron rods, which were crossed at
a right angle and measured 0.78 cm and 0.85 cm
(inv. no. 308a). Their purpose could not yet be
determined (fig. 15: 3). Their exact positioning
contradicts a coincidental find position and at least
basically points to a consciously intended message.
However, for lack of analogies (known to us), this
message cannot be grasped more specifically. The
interpretation favoured by the excavator as them
being spears cannot convince.
In our opinion, these objects can neither be
identified as ᾽οβελοί, since, on the one hand, they
lack the otherwise characteristic handles necessary
for usage, and, on the other hand, such ᾽οβελοί
can be verified as funerary objects or votives in
sanctuaries mainly for the 7th—5th centuries BC
(cf. e.g. Furtwängler 1980; Haarer 2000; Heymans
2021). Not even the question if these two rods
had been brought to this place during the primary
or only during the secondary usage of the pit
can be answered. A definite connection with the
multiple burial is therefore not obligatory and a
specific value of these objects — as opposed to
unambiguously identifiable grave findings (cf.
Fig. 10. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — a fragment of an Attic black-glaze vessel with
graffiti (H) (inv. no. 722); 2 — a fragment of an Attic black-glaze vessel (inv. no. 644); 3 — a decorated rim fragment of a
handmade vessel (inv. no. 642); 4 — a fragment of the rim of an Attic black-figured bowl with a decor of palmettes (inv. no.
648); 5 — a body fragment of an Attic black-figured vessel (inv. no. 649); 6 — a rim fragment with the remains of a handle from
a black-glaze vessel (inv. no. 643)
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Fig. 11. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — a fragment of a red clay fish plate of type
1.1 according to A. V. Buiskykh (Буйских 2011, с. 245; рис. 4.1) (inv. no. 639); 2 — a red clay bowl with one handle (inv.
no. 716); 3 — a grey clay bowl with graffiti (ΛΕ) at the outside of the base (inv. no. 640); 4 — kitchenware (inv. no. 641);
5 — kitchenware (a casserole, inv. no. 719)
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Fig. 12. Olbia Pontica. Pit 18/1974. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — a lower part of an amphora of the second/third
quarter of the 4th century BC from Chios (inv. no. 638) (type V-B according to S. Yu. Monakhov, cf.: Монахов 2003, с. 21-22,
табл. 12; Монахов et al. 2019, с. 95); 2 — an upper part of a Heracleian amphora with a stamp on the neck (magistrate Αἰτήρ,
cf. Кац 2007, с. 429; Федосеев 2016, с. 40-44, № 26–79) from the period 380—370 BC (inv. no. 713) (type I-A according to
S. Yu. Monakhov, cf.: Монахов 2003, с. 143, 320-322, табл. 90; Монахов et al. 2019, с. 202); 3 — a rim fragment of a red clay
louterion with white slip (inv. no. 650); 4 — a rim fragment of a light clay Sinopian louterion (inv. no. 651)
Haarer 2000, p. 121; Heymans 2021, p. 183)
— cannot be defined generally. However, the two
rods seem to be deliberately deepened into the
natural soil, which is another and extraordinary
expression of the exceptional character of this
deliberate deposition.
Pit 2/2006 in the area Pivnichnyi Mys 1 (Qu.
26). Pit 2/2006 (fig. 16) was located ca. 30 m to the
east of Pit 1/2002 and 60 m north of Pit 18/1974 and
immediately at the upper edge of the incline to Zai-
acha Ravine (Ивченко, Диденко 2007, с. 195-196;
Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2006, с. 6-14). Already
in antiquity, it had been damaged by two later grave
complexes from the end of the 3rd/2nd century BC.
Thus, its complete southern area on a length of 2 m
was disturbed by the dromos of Chamber Tomb 12
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Fig. 13. Olbia Pontica. Pit 3/1978: 1 — position of the skeleton and the pottery (a view from the west); 2 — an aryballos-lekythos
with a net ornament (inv. no. 144) (Bulas group, 330—320 BC; cf. Вдовиченко, Рыжов, Жесткова 2019, с. 95; табл. 27-28, №
207-2011); 3 — an attic black-glaze cup-kantharos (inv. no. 145) (375—340 BC; cf. Sparkes, Talcott, Richter 1970, p. 284, №
681-683); 4 — lead herms, 4th century BC (inv. no. 146) (Хмелевский 2016, с. 170, 175, рис. 2.1)
(2005/2006). In the north, it was additionally super-
imposed by the steps of the dromos of Chamber Tomb
14/2005 and was therefore only preserved to a height
of 0.23 m above the original surface level. During the
excavations, the pit could be localised in its outline
unambiguously only at a depth of 1.02 m from the
modern surface level. All in all, it was preserved to a
depth of 1.33 m. In the upper part, it had a semicircu-
lar ground plan with a maximum determinable diam-
eter of 1.44 m and featured a bell-shaped cross-sec-
tion which widened towards the bottom. The diame-
ter at the bottom of the pit — as far as it can be recon-
structed despite the disturbances — measured 2.45 m
(Ивченко, Диденко 2007, c. 195).
The pit filling was divided into two clearly
distinguishable areas. The upper stratum, up to
0.72 m high (no. 1), was heavily mixed and, on the
one hand, consisted of grey, dense sandy clay with
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Fig. 14. Olbia Pontica. Pit 1/2002: 1 — the profile of the pit; 2 — Skeleton 7 at the eastern edge of the pit (−1.06 m); 3 — a bronze
bracelet (inv. no. 331) at the right forearm of skeleton 7
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Fig. 15. Olbia Pontica. Pit 1/2002: 1 — western edge of the pit above the floor with the Skeletons 16 and 17; 2 — bronze coins,
which most probably have not been part of the monetary circulation (V. V. Krutilov): a) 380—360 BC (inv. no. 260), b) 330—
300 BC (inv. no. 260a); 3 — crossed iron rods on the floor of the pit (inv. no. 308a)
numerous inclusions (mainly in the upper part)
and, on the other hand, of softer black soil. Among
the classifiable finds from this stratum are main-
ly fragments of transport amphorae of the 5th/4th
century BC. The oldest find is the foot of a grey
clay amphora from Lesbos (inv. no. 136) belong-
ing to type III-A according to S. Yu. Monakhov. It
is dated to the second half of the 5th century BC (cf.
Монахов 2003, с. 47, 259, табл. 29). Among the
youngest finds, in contrast, are fragments of a Sin-
opian amphora of type II-A-E (inv. no. 137) from
the second quarter — the second half of the 4th
century BC (cf. Монахов 2003, с. 151-152, 332-
332, табл. 102-103) and of an amphora of type II-
B-I from Knidos (inv. no. 138), which dates to the
last third of the 4th — the early 3rd centuries BC (cf.
Монахов 2003, с. 106-107, 304-305, табл. 74-
75). Additionally, some shards of Heracleian (inv.
nos. 47 and 48), Chian and Mendean amphorae
(inv. nos. 42 and 44) could be verified, whereas
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Fig. 16. Olbia Pontica. Pit 2/2006. The filling of the pit: 1 — position of Skeletons 3 and 4 (a view from the west); 2 — skull 1a
with traces of external violence; 3 — skull 2 with traces of external violence
other ceramic find categories are — according to
the excavation report — only represented with few
fragments of red and grey clay ceramics (inv. no.
135, fig. 17: 8; 139 and 140), black-glazed pottery
(inv. no. 142‒145) and kitchenware (inv. no. 141).
Apart from the ceramic small find spectrum,
mainly the remains of six human skeletons in this
upper pit filling should be emphasised. They were
positioned — superimposing each other (Ивчен-
ко, Диденко 2007, c. 195) — mostly in anatomi-
cally correct posture in different poses: four skel-
etons were lying on their back (nos. 1, 2, 4 and
5), one following the curve of the rounded wall
of the pit (no. 6, Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2006,
c. 11-12) and another (no. 3, Ивченко, Диденко,
Ланг 2006, c. 8-9) was found right on the lower
stratum area (no. 2), whose irregular surface struc-
ture was reflected in the asymmetrical, heavily dis-
torted position of the bones (fig. 16: 1). Three of
these skeletons (no. 1 — without skull; 3; 6) were
almost completely preserved, whereas two (nos.
4 and 5) were considerably damaged by the later
Grave 12 and another (no. 2) by Grave 14 (Ивчен-
ко, Диденко 2007, c. 195).
In addition to these in some cases complete-
ly preserved skeletons, there were also numerous
further human remains — e.g. a skull with sever-
al cervical vertebrae (no. 1a) in the central area
of the pit, various scattered long bones and sev-
ered hands and feet, which could be secured be-
low Skeleton no. 6 at a depth of 0.67 m from the
edge of the pit (Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2006, c.
12). What should be especially emphasised is the
obvious injuries in two of the discovered skulls;
with high probability, they point to external vio-
lence. Thus, Skull 1a featured a round hole meas-
uring 2.2 cm × 1.4 cm at its left side in the tempo-
ral area (fig. 16: 2), whereas the skull of Skeleton
2 had two round holes with a respective diame-
ter of 1.5 cm in its lower part (fig. 16: 3). Overall,
there were human remains of at least four female
and two male adults at the ages of 18 to 35 and of
one child (no. 1) at the age of 7 to 13 (according
to K. S. Lipatov). All of them were put into Pit
2/2006 without grave goods. Only in the case of
Skeleton 5, a bronze dolphin could be secured on
the right femur, a bronze fragment beside the pel-
vis between the legs and another iron fragment on
the knee of the left leg (Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг
2006, c. 9-10). In all probability, all of them be-
longed to the actual pit filling and therefore laid at
rather random positions.
In the midst of these human remains, under
the right and left shins of Skeleton 5 (Ивченко,
Диденко, Ланг 2006, c. 9-10), there were also
a skull and a separate jawbone of a horse and in
the close surroundings a large bone of an animal
which cannot be further determined (cf. Івченко,
Диденко 2007, c. 195). The skull and jawbone of
the horse feature small red round stains (ochre?)
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with a diameter of 1 cm, which were positioned in
a rhythmic pattern.
The lower filling layers (no. 2) of Pit 2/2006
were separated from the upper ones (no. 1) by a
band with a height of 3—4 cm consisting of firm
grey clay. They measure up to 0.81 m and are com-
posed of loose black-grey soil with a high amount
of ashes. It could be localised from a depth of 0.52
to 0.72 m (from the edge of the pit) (Ивченко,
Диденко 2007, c. 196; Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг
2006, c. 12-14). During the excavations, singular
dark brown areas with a clearly firmer texture were
found above the floor of the pit, which probably
have an organic origin.
Apart from numerous animal bones — among
them remains of a bovine skull at the southern edge
of the pit (at −1.05 m) — a high number of sherds
from tableware and transport vessels of different
provenance was uncovered (fig. 17). The majori-
ty of the amphora fragments which could be deter-
mined (33) belongs to vessels with swollen neck of
Chian production. However, there were also shards
of types III-C and IV-A-B according to S. Yu. Mo-
nakhov from the second half of the 5th century BC
(cf. Монахов 2003, с. 18-20, 237-239, табл. 7-9).
In addition, according to the excavation report, a
handle of a grey clay amphora from Lesbos (inv.
no. 300), three handles of the type I-C from Sin-
ope (cf. Монахов 2003, с. 147, 330, табл. 100)
and a rim fragment of a Knidian amphora from the
third quarter of the 4th century BC could be verified
(inv. nos. 301‒303). The other objects also reflect
the find spectrum of the end of the 6th to the middle
of the 4th centuries BC, which is up to now known
from the so-called suburb. Thus, there was a high
number of fragments of East Greek, red-figured and
black-glazed pottery (inv. nos. 325‒339; 346, 347),
red and grey clay vessels (inv. nos. 304‒315), a clay
lamp of the open type (fig. 17: 3) dating to the pe-
riod 525—480 BC (inv. no. 380; type 10.1 accord-
ing to I. M. Sheiko: Шейко 2015, с. 63-64; рис. 24-
30), and numerous fragments of handmade pottery
(inv. nos. 317‒324). Among the inventoried small
finds are further the fragment of a blue glass pearl
(inv. no. 341), a wall fragment of a glass vessel (inv.
no. 340), a processed burnishing bone (inv. no. 342)
(Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2006, c. 14) and final-
ly 13 small dolphins and two bronze arrowheads
(without inv. no.; Ивченко, Диденко 2007, c. 196).
All in all, the finding from Pit 2/2006 can be
distinguished in two phases of usage due to the fill-
ing layers which can easily be distinguished from
one another. The first belongs chronologically to
the existence of the so-called suburb, whereas the
second starts immediately after the actual settle-
ment usage of this area. While the whole pit fill-
ing yielded very heterogeneous find material from
the 5th/4th century BC, the youngest finds from both
filling layers consistently date, according to the ex-
cavators, to the third quarter of the 4th century BC.
This means that the change of usage which is ev-
ident from stratigraphy also needs to be chrono-
logically determined within this short period of
time. This thesis corresponds to the previous per-
ception of the abandonment of the western city
area of Olbia around or shortly after the middle of
the century. Therefore, it coincides again with the
events around the campaign of Zopyrion, which is
at least recorded in literature; this fact has already
been pointed out by earlier research (Ивченко,
Диденко 2007, c. 196).
Pit 7/2006 in area Pivnichnyi Mys 1 (Qu.
27/28). Pit 7/2006 (fig. 18) was located ca. 5 m
south-west of Pit 2/2006 in the transition area of
Qu. 27 and Qu. 28 situated east of it. It could first
be localised at a depth of 1.12 m from the modern
surface level (Ивченко, Диденко 2007, c. 196-
197; Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2006, c. 23-25).
In contrast, the borders of this pit were not easily
determined, since, on the one hand, it is superim-
posed by Pit 4/2006 in its northern part, and, on the
other hand, there was only one verifiable pit wall
in its western part with a height of 0.15 m (Ивчен-
ко, Диденко 2007, с. 197). Overall, the excavators
at that time stated that it had originally been a nat-
ural depression only several centimetres deep with
a maximum width of 1.95 m, which had been used
as a burial pit for several individuals. Inside the
filling layers of the depression, which consisted of
loose grey soil with numerous inclusions of ashes,
there were remains of all in all four fragmentarily
preserved skeletons andother human bones, which
could be registered only without further discerni-
ble positioning.
Skeleton 3 (fig. 18: 1) laid in anatomically cor-
rect position and thereby occupied almost the com-
plete pit area. There are the human remains of an
adult who was aligned to the east and was found
lying on his back. The skull and the upper part
of the sternum are missing, as is the left shoulder
blade. The arms laid along the rump and the right
hand was beneath the pelvis. The legs were slight-
ly spread, whereby the knees were pointed to the
outside, and the middle part of the sternum (some
vertebrae and ribs) featured slight burn marks.
Overall, the skeleton was not levelled but lowered
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up to 0.15 m in a west-east direction. Immediately
south of Skeleton 3 and parallel to it was Skeleton
4 (fig. 18: 2), not completely preserved, which be-
longed to a child/teenager. In addition to the pel-
vis bone and parts of the spine, the long bones of
both arms, a hand and the femurs could be secured.
In relation to each other, they laid in anatomically
correct position.
Skeleton 2 (fig. 18: 3) also belonged to a child
formerly lying on its back. It was found in the south-
eastern part of the pit and partly superimposed the
remains of an adult person (Skeleton 3). Preserved
are the shattered skull, the upper part of the thorax
with fragments of ribs and the leg and feet bones,
which laid close to each other.
At a distance of about 0.3 m there was
additionally a chaotic collection of human bones
of an adult in an area of 0.5 × 0.2 m; among them
were vertebrae, rib fragments and long bones
(Skeleton 1, fig. 18: 3) and animal bones, small
ceramic fragments and finally four small stones,
which laid in a row with a spacing of 5—7 cm;
their upper edges could be localised up to 0.15 m
above the discernible pit level.
Fig. 17. Olbia Pontica. Pit 2/2006. Finds from the filling layers of the pit: 1 — a rim fragment of a grey smoothed bowl (inv. no.
360); 2 — a lower part of an East Greek jug with striped decor (inv. no. 309); 3 — an East Greek lamp of the open type from the
period 525—480 BC (type 10.1 according to I. M. Sheiko: Шейко 2015, с. 63-64; рис. 24-30) (inv. no. 380); 4 — a burnt wall
fragment of an East Greek vessel (inv. no. 314); 5 — a rim fragment of an Attic black-glaze vessel (inv. no. 326); 6 — a handle
fragment of an Attic black-glaze vessel (inv. no. 332); 7 — a rim fragment of a black-glaze vessel (inv. no. 147); 8 — a fragment
of a red clay jug with striped decor (inv. no. 135); 9 — a handle of an Attic black-glaze bowl (inv. no. 331)
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Inside the filling layer of the pit there was only
a small spectrum of finds mainly consisting of wall
fragments of transport amphorae, which could not
be dated closely, and a small limestone fragment
with relief (inv. no. 159). Among the inventoried
pottery are one fragment of the rim, one of the
neck, two of the handles and one of the wall of am-
phorae from Chios belonging to type IV-A accord-
ing to S. Yu. Monakhov dating to the third quarter
of the 5th century BC (cf. Монахов 2003, с. 19-20,
238, табл. 8), respectively from Mende and Les-
bos (inv. nos. 152‒154; 179, fig. 18: 4). Further,
two decorated wall fragments of handmade vessels
(inv. nos. 156 and 157) and finally a handle frag-
ment of a grey clay vessel (inv. no. 155). There-
by, the little dated finds all point to the 5th centu-
ry BC. However, the special find circumstances of
the very shallow pit, verifiably disturbed mainly
at Skeletons 1 and 2, in addition to the fact that
the whole territory was still used for settlement
purposes at that time, makes a closed find context
improbable. Instead, the disordered bones super-
imposing each other again — as the finding in Pit
2/2006 in the immediate vicinity — point to a fast,
probably timely deposition of the deceased, who
did not experience a regular burial and, as the in-
dividuals already described, were merely disposed
of (cf. Ивченко, Диденко 2007, с. 197).
Grave 11/2007 in the area Pivnichnyi Mys 1
(Qu. 40). During the excavation campaign in 2007,
the skeleton of a child of the age of 7—13 (Infans
II, according to K. S. Lipatov) was unearthed in
Quadrat 40. The skeleton laid at a depth of 1.03 m
measured from spot elevation R outstretched on its
back with the head pointing in a north-eastern di-
rection, whereby the face was turned to the south-
west (fig. 19). The left arm was bent, so that the left
hand laid on the pelvis, whereas only the shoulder
blade and some finger bones are preserved from
the right arm. The left leg was bent to the right,
the right one bent up, which led to a positioning
of the deceased which is deviant from the burial
norm. Overall, the skeleton could be documented
to a preserved length of 0.67 m.
At a distance of 0.1 m from the skull of the de-
ceased there were the remains of a Colchean am-
phora (inv. no. 890), which were divided to two ar-
eas at different heights. At a depth of 0.97—1.10
m, with the collapsed debris 1a, there were at first
remains of the fragmented neck of the vessel with
both handles and large body fragments (fig. 19: 2).
Collapsed debris 1b covered an area of 0.78 m ×
Fig. 18. Olbia Pontica. Pit 7/2006. The find situation: 1 — position of Skeleton 3 (a view from the south); 2 — skeletons 1 and 2
(a view from the north-east); 3 — skeleton 4 (view from the south); 4 — an upper part of an amphora from Mende (inv. no. 152)
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1.04 m and consisted of large shards of the vessel’s
body which covered the lower leg area of the skel-
eton. Since the foot of the amphora as one of the
most important indicators for dating was missing,
this archaeological finding cannot be chronological-
ly classified any further. According to S. Yu. Vnu-
kov, this type of Colchean amphorae (Ch 1A by
S. Yu. Vnukov) was in existence from the end of the
4th until the middle of the 2nd centuries BC. There-
fore, there is at least a terminus post quem, and a
chronological convergence with the burials men-
tioned above is only partly given (Vnukov 2011,
p. 272, 277; on earlier attempts of dating cf. Tset-
skhladze, Vnukov 1991, p. 361. 385-386). Howev-
er, the extraordinary body posture of the deceased
and the fact that a burial pit and grave goods are
missing whatsoever speak against a regular burial
and point to the transition period between the actu-
al settlement phase in the so-called suburb and the
change of usage in this area to a systematic necrop-
olis (Ивченко, Диденко, Ланг 2007, с. 24-25).
Grave 1/2009 in area Pivnichnyi Mys 1 (Qu.
43). During the excavation campaign in 2009, a col-
lection of human bones could be investigated in area
Pivnichnyi Mys 1 in the south-eastern part of Quad-
rat 43. This collection has found its way into the ex-
cavation documentation under the name “Grave 1”
(Ивченко 2009, с. 25). At a depth of up to −0.45 m
from today’s surface level, there were five long,
heavily fragmented bones and a few ceramic shards,
which all laid without any discernible order in dif-
ferent directions and in differing angles to each other
(fig. 20). Among the few datable objects are the foot
of an amphora of the third quarter of the 4th centu-
ry BC. The excavation report still calls this type of
amphora “pseudo-Chersonesus”; however, for a few
years now, it is known that the centre of production
was Ikos (cf. Монахов, Федосеев 2013, с. 258, 260).
The specific find situation led to the excavation
leaders at that time judging Grave 1 as a regular
but heavily disturbed burial from the second half of
the 4th century BC. If this proposed thesis was to be
accepted, this finding, together with Grave 3/1978,
would be the second evidence of the beginning of
a transformation of the former settlement area into
a regular necropolis at this early time. However,
for a conclusive evaluation, the preserved remains
are too few and additionally too heavily disturbed.
Therefore, the question of regular/irregular burial
has to remain open.
Grave 1/2010 in area Pivnichnyi Mys 1 (Qu.
37). During the excavation campaign in 2010, the
mostly destroyed Grave 1 could be localised in the
eastern part of Quadrat 37 at a depth of 1.35 m (from
the modern surface level) (Ивченко 2010, с. 17).
During the investigations, a human ulna and radius
with a maximal length of 0.32 m were found lying
next to each other. They were aligned from south-
south-east to north-west-west and were embedded
into a grey, rather loose clay layer with a slight ad-
mixture of humus (fig. 21: 1). With the exception of
several phalanges of fingers which were scattered
at different distances within 0.2 m, no other parts of
the skeleton could be found. A clear grave demarca-
tion could not be documented either.
According to the excavators’ opinion, it seemed
to be the few remains of an inhumation of a female
person and should be dated to the 5th century BC
based on a singular ceramic find. Below the bones,
at a distance of about 7 cm, there was a small gut-
tus with broken handle and base (inv. no. 100),
which originally might have belonged to the grave
inventory (fig. 21: 2). The vessel’s glaze is of low
quality; on its upper side there are parallel dark
brown vertical stripes. The vessel is 5.2 cm high,
the spout — 2 cm long. The diameter of the nozzle
is max. 6.6 cm, the one of the opening — 2.8 cm
and the one of the base — 1.6 cm.
Regardless of the fact that it is not verified that
the find actually belongs to a grave context, the
dating to the 5th century BC, which was favoured
by the excavators back then, seems too early.
Thus, a guttus in the Archaeological Museum
Callatis (Mangalia, România), which was found
in a Hellenistic context, is comparable in quality,
form and decor4. A similar time period is more
than probable for the vessel from Olbia and would
in addition be in accordance with the phases of
usage of the settlement in the western part of Olbia
discussed until now.
Overall, Grave 1/2010 does not have a verified
investigative value for the issue in the study at hand
due to its unclear and highly disturbed finding.
It is inserted into the observations here only to
be complete, since it has been included into the
context of the excavation reports as a finding of
the 5th century BC and therefore was in need of a
specific review. Even if the bones and the vessel
4 According to Dr L. Radu (Museum Callatis, Mangalia),
the guttus was found in 2016 during rescue excavations
in Callatis, Mangalia in a Hellenistic context. The guttus
itself is still unpublished, but a high-quality photo can
already be found on the museum’s website: https://www.
muzeucallatis.ro/2021/12/28/guttus-ceramic/ (17.08.2023).
For the find context cf.: Alexandru et al. 2018, 145-152.
We thank our colleague L. Radu very much for kindly
providing this information.
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Fig. 19. Olbia Pontica. Grave 11/2007: 1—3 — position of the skeleton accompanied by a Colchean amphora (type Ch 1A
according to S. Yu. Vnukov: Vnukov 2011, p. 272, 277)
really belonged to a uniform context, at least the
originally proposed dating needs to be revised and
the finding should be chronologically determined to
be not earlier than the Early Hellenistic period. The
fact that all signs of a systematic burial are missing
overall prevents an allocation of the finding to the
irregular or respectively regular burials.
Skeleton 1/2017 in area HEKP-7 (Qu. 2). In
the course of the examination of the moat, which
was up to 4 m wide and 2.2 m deep and belonged
to the newly localised fortification (area HEKP-7),
a human skeleton (fig. 22) could be unearthed at
a depth of 1.7 m apart from the expectable filling
layers. Its find circumstances featured comparable
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Fig. 20. Olbia Pontica. Grave 1/2009. The human skeletal remains and vessel fragments (a view from the west): 1 — after the
first recording; 2 — after complete excavation (artificially produced pit contours)
characteristics to the already described findings
(Буйських, Форнасьє, Кузьміщев 2017, с. 33,
37-39; 2019, с. 154). First of all, any clue to a sec-
ondarily built pit in which the deceased of mid-
dle age (according to T. А. Nazarova, O. D. Ko-
zak, N. E. Kotova) was embedded was missing. In
contrast, the skeleton, which was all in all 1.73 m
long and 0.53 m wide, was positioned at only a
small distance (0.14 m) along the eastern wall of
the pit in the same yellow clay strata which were
typical for the entire filling. In addition, no inten-
tionally offered grave goods could be localised. Fi-
nally, the extraordinary position aroused doubts as
to a deliberate burial.
The skeleton was positioned with a slightly
bent spine in north-south direction with the head
pointing to the south. The head itself was bent
to the right and rested on the hoisted right shoul-
der-blade (fig. 22: 1—2). The right arm was angu-
lated, resulting in the right hand resting on the pel-
vis, while the left arm was found distinctly higher
(0.1 m). This is a clear indicator of the fact that the
floor beneath the skeleton was uneven and had not
been levelled properly for a regularly prepaired
burial pit when the body was brought here. The
bone of the left upper arm was distorted unnatu-
rally, a finding which also speaks against a regular
burial. Finally, the legs of the skeleton were out-
stretched; however, the left one was not preserved
to its full length in anatomically correct position.
At a distance of 0.12 m south of the skull was
a rectangularly processed limestone block (0.53 m
× 0.20 m × 0.23 m); 0.14 m east of the right knee
was a vertically standing limestone slab and, af-
ter the removal of the skeleton, another lime-
stone was found immediately below the human
remains, which had added to the flexion of the
spine. Among the small finds immediately be-
low the human bones are fragments of an ampho-
ra from Mende (inv. no. 473, fig. 22: 3), of a grey
smoothed oinochoe with relief decor (inv. no. 474,
fig. 22: 4), of kitchenware and handmade pottery
(inv. nos. 475‒477, fig. 22: 5—7) and a small, al-
most round clay disc (“votive”) (inv. no. 479, fig.
22: 9), which had been produced from the wall
shard of a black-glazed vessel. On the left upper
arm was additionally a big fragment of a handle of
an amphora from Chios of the second half of the
5th‒4th centuries BC. Overall, the finding below the
skeleton and in its larger surroundings points to the
second half of the 5th / beginning of the 4th century
BC, whereas the layers above the human remains
date to Late Classical-Hellenistic times.
The archaeological finding in area HEKP-7 is
indicative that the deceased was placed without
a regular burial — an event which only seems
possible if the rampart and moat system was no
longer used in its original form at that time. Thus,
the stratigraphy of the filling layers in combination
with the whole findings in the western part of
Olbia indicate a time horizon from the second half
of the 4th century onward. In this, the deceased
belongs to a layer which obviously marks
the abandonment of the settlement structures
chronologically. The fact that the body was in
some places extraordinarily distorted on an uneven
ground leads to the assumption that the body was
again disposed of without special consideration
and was then submerged gradually over the course
of time. Therefore, this finding convincingly joins
in the ranks of the chronologically remarkably
homogeneous secondary usage of former urban
structures as irregular burial places which has been
demonstrated above.
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Fig. 21. Olbia Pontica. Pit 1/2010: 1 — the find situation of the human skeletal remains; 2 — a black-glazed guttus (inv. no. 100),
found immediately below the human remains
The evidence of extraordinary multiple burials
from a comparable timeframe, of numerous traces
of massive force of violence on human remains and
above all the find of the deceased in the area of the
former fortification point to a special situation in
the middle/second half of the 4th century BC. The
abandonment of the former settlement area in the
west of the city on the one hand seems to have been
— and this is consistent with the results of the living
and economic structures — a short process. On the
other hand, the analysis of the graves mentioned
now enables us to gainfully investigate anew the
determining factors which led to a reduction of the
city area to the central area. This process should be
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rated against the background of the events around
Olbia of the 330s, which are (only) recorded in
literature.
The Campaign of Zopyrion — in the Written
Tradition
The literarily recorded conflicts “at the gates” of
Olbia in the second half of the 4th century BC have
been the object of a highly controversial discourse
for many decades. Due to differing information
in Justin (II 3, 1-4; XII 1, 4-5. 2, 16-17), Curtius
Rufus (X 1, 43-45) and Macrobius (Sat. I 11, 33),
numerous different theses emerged on the goals,
the actual course of events or the impacts of these
events, and even the question of the historicity of
this military endeavour of the Macedonian general
arose (cf. e.g. with further literature: Iliescu 1971,
p. 57-73; Самойлова 1993, с. 46-51; 2009, с. 300-
302; Jordanov 1997, p. 70-79; Vinogradov 1997a, S.
323-335; Анохин 2010, с. 38-40; Avram, Chiriac,
Matei 2013, p. 227-303; Скржинська 2015, с. 7-8;
Fig. 22. Olbia Pontica. Skeleton 1/2017: 1—2 — the eastern part of the moat; 3 — a rim fragment of an amphora from Mende
(inv. no. 473); 4 — a rim fragment of a grey smoothed oinochoe with relief (inv. no. 474); 5—6 — rim fragments of kitchenware
(inv. nos. 475, 476); 7 — base fragments of a handmade vessel (inv. no. 477); 8 — a wall fragment of an Attic black-glazed
vessel (inv. no. 478); 9 — a votive made from the body fragment of an Attic black-glazed vessel (inv. no. 479)
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Яйленко 2017, с. 383-401; Ionescu 2021, p. 226-
231). Thus, according to Justin, the Scythians acted
as relevant enemies which Zopyrion opposed, as
Kyros and Dareios before him, unsuccessfully
despite his army of 30,000 men. According to the
ancient author, Zopyrion in his function of praefectus
Ponti (XII 2, 16) thereby followed personal goals.
He tried to foster his own fame with a war against
the North Pontic riding nomads — an attempt
which finally ended in the complete annihilation
of his army and his death (Avram, Chiriac, Matei
2013, p. 250-251). According to Curtius Rufus (X
1, 43-45) in turn, Zopyrion as Thraciae praepositus
was on a campaign against the Getae when he
and his complete army were killed in a storm (cf.
Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 251-257). Further
information on the background, the course of
events or even their presence at the Borysthenes
River cannot be deduced from this passage in the
text. This indifferent body of source material led,
among other things, to the still unanswered question
if Zopyrion actually saw himself forced to act as a
result of the wish to make a name for himself or if
he rather followed an actual plan of conquest — be
it by order of Alexander or with the goal to create an
empire of his own (cf. e.g.: Vinogradov 1997b, S.
314-317; Клейменов 2012, с. 12-24; Бруяко 2017,
с. 323-324; Ionescu 2021, p. 230-231).
Finally, the campaign of the Macedonian
general is again shortly mentioned in the Saturnalia
of Macrobius. Contextually, the ancient author
focusses on an episode of the campaign which is
not recorded in literature anywhere else: the siege
of Olbia and its successful resistance with the help
of freed slaves and foreign inhabitants of the city
who were in turn granted citizenship (Sat. I 11,
33). Macrobius uses this referral to Zopyrion’s
siege exclusively as another evidence for the
necessity for extraordinary interventions in the
social order which might arise under certain (war)
circumstances in order to reach the implemented
goals during situations troubled by war. In this
way, the recipient of his thoughts undergoes a
change of perspective, since now the city of Olbia
and no longer the Macedonian general is the centre
of observation as leading protagonist. Starting
from Caesar and Augustus, who used freedmen
(voluntarii) for their military endeavours, via this
skilful recourse to the events at the gates of Olbia,
the ancient author then draws a line to the past in
mentioning the recruitment of 9,000 freed Spartans
by Kleomenes. He thereby implies an (acceptable)
legitimacy of this extraordinary course of action.
The heterogeneity and the simultaneously very
comprised informative content of the written records
are reflected in a varying acceptance on the part of
the historic-archaeological research. Scholars prefer
either the textual version of Justin or the one of
Curtius Rufus — in singular cases, a textual cross-
linking of different variants has been proposed in
order to gain an allegedly sensible concordance with
historic events (cf. e.g. Suceveanu 1966, p. 635-
Fig. 23. Olbia Pontica. So-called archer coinage (inv. no. O-47 3854). AV: Demeter with a mural crown; RV: an archer. Bronze,
Ø 18 mm, die axis: 12
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644: possibly, there were two campaigns; cf. Avram,
Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 251). Thereby, events like
the victorious fights against the Spartan king Agis
or against Alexander, king of Epirus, which are
mentioned in the text passages and, according
to the ancient authors, were chronologically
synchronous, played an equally important role as
the reconstruction of military strategic succession
(Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 251-257). Thus,
for example the question if Zopyrion had assumed
his office as “praefectus” as successor or as
predecessor of Memnon has been discussed more
than once (cf. Heckel 1997, S. 197; Avram, Chiriac,
Matei 2013, p. 251-252). Therefore, a time period
of all in all 8‒9 years for the chronology of the
Zopyrion campaign can be determined. Recently,
D.-T. Ionescu again resumed very pointedly that this
campaign “took place between 334 BC and 326/5
BC, and any date between those years is possible„
(Ionescu 2021, p. 227). Despite these difficulties of
an actual chronological determination, the largest
part of research meanwhile speaks in favour of a
dating around 331 BC, although due to different
motives (cf. e.g. Iliescu 1971, p. 57-73; Vinogradov
1997a, S. 323; 1997b, S. 299-303; Avram, Chiriac,
Matei 2013, p. 258; Бруяко 2017, с. 323; Яйлен-
ко 2017, с. 383). In lack of convincing alternatives,
the authors of the article at hand basically follow
this dating, especially since the archaeological
finding in Olbia cannot mirror such a differentiation
in the finer chronology adequately, and therefore
a determination does not contain the danger of a
misinterpretation based on this.
Beyond that, the limited meaningfulness of
the literary sources even led to an alternative
interpretation of the siege of “Borysthenes”
mentioned by Macrobius, which in established
reading is a synonym for the city of Olbia. Thus, by
the end of the 20th century, V. P. Yailenko developed
the thesis, which is controversially discussed still
today, that the Macedonian general did not campaign
ostensibly against the Milesian colonial city at
the lower Buh but directed his attention primarily
to one of the large Scythian fortified settlements
located far from the North Pontic coastline (most
recently Яйленко 2017, с. 383-401). The starting
point of his considerations was, on the one hand, the
campaign against the Scythians recorded expressis
verbis by Justin and, on the other hand, the missing
archaeological evidence which might point to an
according siege situation in Olbia (cf. Анохин
2010, с. 40). Destructions verified by excavations
in the area of the western city gate (Крыжицкий,
Лейпунская 1988, с. 21) should be understood,
according to V. P. Yailenko, rather in connection with
the Scythian-Macedonian conflicts between Ateas
and Philipp II (around 339 BC) (Яйленко 2017,
с. 385), whereas the destructions evidenced by E.
I. Levi (Леви 1956, с. 112-113; 1964, с. 5-6) in the
central area of the city were reinterpreted as signs
of urbanisation processes (Яйленко 2017, с. 385-
386). Finally, the erection of an altar for Alexander
in the direct reach of Olbia (Amm. XXII 8,40)
would also clearly speak against a Macedonian-
Olbian hostility, which he therefore consequently
rejects (Яйленко 2017, с. 386-387). These theses
of Yailenko met vehement criticism, which at that
time was brought forth immediately and mainly
by N. O. Gavryliuk and E. V. Chernenko (Гаври-
люк, Черненко 1991, с. 65-69). Therefore, they
have not met wide acceptance in previous historic-
archaeological research.
Finally, the remarkable size of the army com-
manded by Zopyrion, which Justin estimated to
30,000 men (XII 2, 16), evoked serious doubts as to
the historicity of the events, since even a well-for-
tified Olbia could have never resisted such superior
numbers (Яйленко 2017, с. 384). On the one hand,
research tried an expedient by understanding the size
of the army as being substantially exaggerated (e.g.
Heckel 1997, S. 197; Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013,
p. 254). On the other hand, an early termination of
the siege was brought up which was necessary either
because of events in faraway Thrace or because of
the arrival of the troops allied with Olbia at the banks
of the Borysthenes (cf. Anochin, Rolle 1998, S. 844-
846; Stolba 2015, p. 53; 2019, p. 524; Бруяко 2017,
с. 324). Regardless of a respective preference for the
suggested and partly contradictory theses, ancient
tradition at least agrees on the catastrophic end of the
campaign, which resulted in the complete annihila-
tion of the army and the death of Zopyrion (Just. II 3,
4. XII 2, 17; Curt. X, 1, 45). However, the sources are
again substantially too imprecise to determine the ac-
tual circumstances of the demise. As expected, there
is therefore no consensus in research neither as to the
way back of the Macedonian general and his troops,
nor to their downfall (on this extensively see Avram,
Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 227-303).
A Siege of Olbia? — the Archaeological Findings
In connection with the question if Olbia was
actually faced with such a massive siege in the
third quarter of the 4th century BC, previous re-
search focussed not only on the literary sources but
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repeatedly also on the material remains from this
time. Thus, V. О. Anokhin and R. Rolle, in their
study which appeared in 1998, introduced a small
group of lead sling bullets which had been found
in the close surroundings of the Milesian colonial
city by non-professionals with metal detectors. Of
these, only three examples featured an actual find-
ing place with the settlements Shyroka Balka and
Zakysova Balka (Anochin, Rolle 1998, S. 837-
848; Анохин 2010, с. 49-50). Despite the fact that
they could therefore only be roughly located, the
lead bullets immediately yielded special interest
in the context of the question on the historicity of
the Zopyrion campaign, since one specimen fea-
tures the inscription [Β]ΑΣΙΛΕ on the front side,
while on the back side ΑΛΕΞΑΝ can be read (An-
ochin, Rolle 1998, S. 840-842; cf. Анохин 2010,
с. 41-42; Stolba 2015, p. 53 with note 63). In
combination with four other anepigraphic pieces
in the Archaeological Museum in Odesa, including
one case proven to come from the Olbian context,
whereas the same is supposed for the others, the
authors concluded: “Diese Konzentration von
Schleuderbleien in so naher Umgebung von Olbia
und das Vorhandensein eines Fundstückes mit
Namen und Titel Alexanders des Großen unter
ihnen erlaubt es, mit aller Vorsicht, die Funde
mit der Belagerung Olbias durch Zopyrion, einen
Heerführer Alexanders, in Verbindung zu bringen„
(Anochin, Rolle 1998, S. 843).
Analogous almond-shaped lead bullets, which
early on could have been furnished with inscriptions
(among them names of generals) or depictions of
different kinds (Anochin, Rolle 1998, S. 839; cf.
Анохин 2010, с. 48), originate from different finding
places in the Dobruja. Two other pieces, which were
published in an extensive study in 2013, also featured
a reference to Alexander III (ΒΑΣΙΛΕǁΑΛΕΞΑΝ,
Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 230, Nr. 1-2),
while another object names a strategos Alexandros
(ΣΤΡΑΤΗǁΑΛΕΞΑΝΔ, Avram, Chiriac, Matei
2013, p. 230, Nr. 3), who the authors identify as
Alexander of Lyncestis (Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013,
p. 237-238). By means of the distribution patterns
researchers saw first indicators that the route of
Zopyrion’s army on their way back from the North
Pontic regions might have led along the Danube to
the land of the Getae. The acceptance of such a thesis
would offer a remarkably pragmatic possibility to
combine the differing literary traditions reasonably:
the unsuccessful campaign against the Scythians and
the complete annihilation by the hands of the Getae
(cf. Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 257).
Comparable to the chronologically mostly
coherent destructions in Nikonion (cf. Загинайло
1984, с. 78; Охотников 2000, с. 20; Sekerskaia
2001, 69. 86; 2007, p. 485-486; Banari 2003, 336),
which might be directly connected with the military
advance to the North Pontic coastal regions (cf.
e.g. Самойлова 2009, с. 300), these extraordinary
find objects are therefore understood as convincing
evidence for a presence of Zopyrion “at the gates„
of Olbia — in which way ever this presence can be
reconstructed in detail (e.g. Анохин 2010, с. 41-
42; Stolba 2015, p. 53). Yet with good reason, a
possible chronological discrepancy between the
production and the usage of such sling bullets has
been pointed out, which means that the lead sling
bullets can be seen as a plausible indication but in
themselves cannot be assessed as a final evidence
(Avram, Chiriac, Matei 2013, p. 258).
Nevertheless, a combination with the up to
0.15 m high burnt layers which could be regis-
tered in the area of the western gate of the core
city wall and which were dated to the time of the
Macedonian-Scythian conflicts about 339 BC by
V. P. Yailenko without any substantive argument
(see above; Яйленко 2017, с. 384-385), really in-
dicates a (military) crisis situation which befell Ol-
bia in the third quarter of the 4th century BC. In
addition, the stratigraphic features along the clay
massif no. 566, which has seldomly been regarded
in the discussions up to now, have been understood
by the excavators as a clear indicator of a consid-
erable destruction of the city gate, which makes
a partial intrusion of enemy troops into the city
area at this point at least thinkable (Крыжицкий,
Лейпунская 1988, с. 21). The destruction layers
in the area of the agora and the temenos mentioned
by E. I. Levi could thereby be explained mean-
ingfully and would not need to be forcefully ex-
plained by inner social commotions conforming to
the time spirit of the Soviet research at that peri-
od (Леви 1956, с. 112-113; cf. Виноградов 1989,
с. 175; Vinogradov 1997b, S. 306-307; Яйленко
2017, с. 386 с прим. 70).
The archaeological finding in the lower city
area of Olbia (NGS) also seems to back up this
thesis of an immediate military threat. Already at
the end of the 1980s, comparable to the situation
at the western gate, dense layers of yellowish
clay could be revealed. Despite limited dating
possibilities, they were interpreted as remains of
a defensive wall partly destroyed during the siege
(most recently Лейпунская 2007, с. 48-57; cf.
Kryzhytskyi, Leipunskaia 2010a, p. 16; 2010b,
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p. 22). Follow-up excavations conducted in 2003
yielded only a meagre small find spectrum in the
area of this up to 3.8 m wide structure. However,
a dating of the actual city wall in this area only
to the beginning of the 3rd century BC could be
determined via stratigraphic observations (Kariaka
2008, p. 179; cf. also Лейпунская 2007, с. 55-
56). According to the excavators this defensive
line was seemingly built “at the site of a battle”
(Kariaka 2008, p. 179), which is characterised by
a larger number of human bones and for which
a causal connection with the city’s siege by the
troops of Zopyrion was assumed. If this thesis was
to be accepted, it would in fact point to a picture
of Olbia being attacked at several places at once,
where it came to serious battles for the city.
Finally, the research results from the Olbian
chora should be considered in this context, which
show a temporal hiatus for most of the agricultural
settlements especially for the turn from the third
to the last quarter of the 4th century BC (cf. e.g.
Крыжицкий et al. 1989, с. 99-100; 1999, с. 113-
114; Buiskykh 2006, S. 123; Vinogradov 1997b, S.
312). The synchronicity of the literarily recorded
campaign and the archaeologically proved
abandoning of the agricultural supply of Olbia
is remarkable and would be consequent from a
military point of view, since it would enable the
attacker to deprive the besieged city of their basis
of existence and at the same time supply the own
troops (cf. Vinogradov 1997b, S. 311-312). By
all means, the revival of the chora, which would
see the biggest period of prosperity in the history
of the Olbian polis in the last quarter of the 4th
century BC, is another indicator for the short-term
political reasons instead of those motivated by
long-term global changes for the abandonment of
the settlements whose inhabitants seem to have left
their lands following an acute need for protection
(in the direction of Olbia?).
In short, every single archaeological finding
mentioned here is in itself no sufficiently convincing
evidence for the historicity of the literary tradition
on the Zopyrion campaign and the connected siege
of Olbia. They respectively highlight different
aspects of a history of events which, however,
permit a multitude of interpretations due to their
isolated position in space and time. Nevertheless,
their meaningfulness increases enormously in
immediate combination with each other, so that,
in our opinion, the thesis of an actual presence
of Macedonian army at the gates of the city is
ultimately without alternative for the time being.
Despite the basic acceptance of this
reconstruction of the historic events, we do not
deem all archaeological objects which have
been connected with the Zopyrion campaign in
previous research to be immediately suitable
for a gainful discourse on this topic. Thus, the
so-called archer coin series (obv.: Demeter
with mural crown; rev.: archer) might coincide
chronologically with the processes described
here, but a causal connection between both
phenomena seems to be too speculative (fig.
23). In contrast to the destruction contexts at
the critical points of the infrastructure, which
immediately indicate an attack on the city, coin
images do not show an immediate connection
with the results and therefore provide a larger
span of research theses. The suggested, very
tangible interpretation as coinages from Olbia
which depict the successful defence of the
siege in general and, in the representation of the
archers, a specific usage of archers in particular
(Stolba 2015, p. 43-58; cf. 2019, p. 524-525),
could on the one hand be basically appropriate.
However, the short time of coinage of 3‒5 years
(Stolba 2015, p. 52) does not seem to do justice to
such an epochal event for the city, so that, on the
other hand, other, unrecorded scenarios might
also be befitted an important role. In any case, a
specific connection with the Zopyrion campaign
does not become immediately accessible to us,
which is why we deliberately do not include this
special coinage, whose dating is additionally
controversial, into our considerations (cf. Ано-
хин 2011, с. 44-45, № 221-226).
The Eve of Hellenism — an Eventful Time for
Olbia Pontica
The second half of the 4th century BC is — so
much can undoubtedly be said based on the
current archaeological findings and the literary
records — a very eventful time in the history of
the city of Olbia. A distinct reduction of the urban
structures to the actual core city area of up to
25 ha, which in itself is now secured by a newly
erected fortification system, is in this regard the
most obvious indicator for a comprehensively
new urban appearance (Buiskikh, Fornasier 2022,
p. 223). However, in its actual details, this urban
transformational process has been known for only
a few years and was therefore previously not a part
of the scientific discourse. The state of research
accepted until recently was thus still based on the
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thesis of a simply structured provisional suburb
settlement which only existed for few decades
and was abandoned no later than at the end of the
first quarter of the 4th century BC (summarising
Fornasier et al. 2017, S. 28-30. 47-48). Moreover,
among all graves presented in detail here, only
the extraordinary Multiple Burial 18/1974 was
considered in the discussion on the historicity of the
campaign of Zopyrion due to an only successively
enhanced archaeological knowledge level and a
limited publication activity. This is why there was
a distinct shift of emphasis in favour of the written
tradition in interdisciplinary research. Previously,
the focus was on the — as already shown — only
partially meaningful literary sources and on two
epigraphic evidences, whose relevance for the
topic was mainly academically advocated by
Yu. G. Vinogradov alone.
Thus, the Moscow researcher referred to the
fragment of an amphora which had been found in
the settlement Kozyrka II in the surroundings of
Olbia in 1985. It featured a multi-line inscription
(inv. no. K-(II/3)/5-85), which, among other things,
displays the name Zopyrion and which, according
to him, should be dated to the second half of the
4th century BC on the basis of the palaeography
(Vinogradov 1997a, S. 323-335). In a detailed
study, Yu. G. Vinogradov reconstructed this text
as a (further) proof for a social crisis situation in
the polis, which had meant an additional threat
for the city at the time of the siege. Therefore,
obviously oppositional forces had stood as a “fifth
column” on the side of Zopyrion and had acted
in his sense (Vinogradov1997a, S. 331). Some of
them might have been executed for their crimes
by stoning (Pit 18/1974). This “interprétation
romanesque” (Gauthier 1998, p. 1187) has been
mainly rejected in research and the inscription was
read as having rather personal content instead of
representing the interests of the state, as proposed
by Yu. G. Vinogradov (cf. Анохин 2010, с. 40-41;
Яйленко 2017, с. 399-401).
Likewise, the interpretation of the famous
Kallinikos decree (IOSPE I2 25+31), which
Vinogradov saw as the result of a successful fight
of democratic forces in times of utter danger and
which he dated to the immediate time period
after the Zopyrion campaign (in detail: Виногра-
дов 1989, с. 150-176; Vinogradov1997b, S. 276-
322. Further Vinogradov, Kryzhytskyi 1995, S.
136-137; Vinogradov1997a, S. 324), was heavily
criticised both regarding the reconstruction of the
content (e.g. Robert, Robert 1984, S. 457-458
Nr. 276) and its early dating (e.g. Яйленко 2017,
с. 440-449). In this specific case, the suggested
reconstruction of the content again seems to be too
“novel-like” and too (mis)guided by the attempt
to reach a historically stringent “overall concept”
(cf. Vinogradov 1997b, S. 319-320) to be really
convincing — especially due to the rather isolated
character of the sources.
Socio-political transformation processes can
therefore not be reconstructed for the second half
of the 4th century BC solely based on the literary
sources quoted here, especially not in a causal
connection with the Zopyrion campaign. However,
considering the currently known quantitatively
and qualitatively enhanced archaeological findings
from the western city area of Olbia, a final synthesis
seems to be gainful. In addition to the already
mentioned and partly newly assessed theses, the
following conclusions can be drawn in this context:
1) An analysis of the graves on the area formerly
called suburb does not only unfailingly affirm
the previously postulated end of existence of the
western settlement territory in the 4th century BC.
It can moreover concretise the start of this urban
transformational process to the middle of the 4th
century BC (cf. recently Buiskich, Fornasier 2022,
p. 220).
2) Both within the formerly fortified area
(Graves 3/1978, 1/2009 described above) and di-
rectly outside of it (e.g. in area Pivnichnyi Mys 2,
Graves 7/2006 and 8/2006, cf. Ивченко, Диденко,
Ланг 2006, c. 62-67) graves were created regu-
larly from the third quarter of the 4th century BC
onward. However, due to their small quantity and
their seemingly rather random distribution, they
do not yet testify to a systematically structured
necropolis. Nevertheless, they still unambiguous-
ly point to a fundamental change in the usage of
the area already during this early time period. In
combination with recently published cultic struc-
tures from early Hellenistic times along the so-
called western road (object 22 in the area HEKP-
4, cf. Kuzmishchev 2021, p. 198-201) it becomes
increasingly apparent that the previously supposed
hiatus in the archaeological finding lasting until
Roman times is no longer reconcilable with the
current state of knowledge.
3) The archaeological findings of the irregular
burials show unambiguously that the secondarily
used former settlement structures were still visible
from afar and accessible, which means that the
graves were consequentially created promptly
after the abandonment of the structures. This is
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true for public and private structures alike — e.g.
the former fortification (Skeleton 1/2017), a cistern
(Pit 1/1966) or a big storage pit (Grave 18/1974).
4) The four multiple burials (Pit 18/1974; Pit
1/2002; Pit 2/2006; Pit 7/2006) with their all in
all 80 deceased all originate from a comparable
period of time (second/third quarter of the 4th
century BC). They all display corresponding
characteristics of an irregular burial and in two
cases (Pit 18/1974, Pit 2/2006) feature clear signs
of external violence. This suggests that they are to
be understood as a result of one, or possibly even
several, chronologically closely consecutive, crisis
situation(s) which forced the inhabitants of Olbia
to act unconventionally and pragmatically. An
imagined connection with the events surrounding
the siege by the army of Zopyrion is suggesting
because of the chronological coincidence — if we
take into account the lower timeframe. However,
it can in no way be verified concretely, especially
if we consider that a part of these burials also may
already belong to the end of the second quarter of
the 4th century BC. The only known siege around
the year 331 BC is set against an unknown, since
not directly preserved, number of crisis situations,
perhaps only on a daily basis, within the second/
third quarter of a century. Each one of them would
have also justified the need for irregular multiple
burials. Against this background alone, the social
disturbances or even riots reconstructed in detail
by Vinogradov on the basis of these few sources is
to be rejected in general.
If a strict connection between the irregular
multiple burials and the siege cannot be verified
archaeologically, we finally need to answer the
question: which exact urban situation did the
Macedonian general find when he and his troops
arrived “at the gates” of Olbia? First, we need to
emphasise again that the area in the west of Olbia
was abandoned seemingly without coercion at
the exact same moment (at the middle of the
4th century at the latest) when the core city was
finally secured by a complex fortification system.
During the extensively conducted fieldwork, no
burn marks or traces of destruction were found
which would point to a forceful evacuation of
the relevant western settlement area. In contrast,
this process seems to have been again part of
a superior planning system whose beginnings
verifiably reach back to Late Archaic times (cf.
Fornasier, Buiskykh, Kuzmishchev 2022, p. 67-
95) and whose goal it also seems to have been
to provide the core city successively with all
relevant urban facilities before the western area
was abandoned.
In addition, the grave findings presented
above show unequivocally that these former
settlement structures in the west of Olbia were
not completely removed or levelled yet, since
the moat of the former fortification, cisterns or
storage pits still existed and could therefore be
used secondarily for both regular and irregular
burials. In theory, it would therefore even be
possible that the rampart in its basic components
also still existed and that the rampart and moat
system had possibly been reactivated at least
rudimentarily in the course of the siege. Thus,
part of the confrontations to be anticipated
would not have taken place in the immediate
vicinity of the core city but far away, beyond
the Late Archaic fortification. As such, the up
to now only selectively verified destruction
contexts along the wall of the core city could be
understood better. It could now be interpreted
as a “second line of defence” which could not
have been attacked as a whole during a siege
that normally features dynamically developing
battles.
Ultimately, however, this reconstruction of
the dramatic events at the gates of Olbia also re-
mains speculation, as unequivocal proofs are still
missing. The irregular graves discussed here co-
hesively for the first time cannot change this fact.
The analysis of the relevant burials from the for-
mer settlement area does enable us at least — as
shown above — to gain a new academically sub-
stantiated access to the urban transformation-
al process from the middle of the 4th century BC
onward, which was to shape the cityscape of the
Milesian colony for centuries to come.
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Table 1. Graves in the area to the west of the core city of Olbia, previously enclosed by a Late Archaic fortification
In the area to the west of the core city, formerly enclosed by the late Archaic fortification, a total of 285 graves were investigated
during various excavation campaigns (1964-2017). 165 graves, which are listed below, could be dated during the excavations.
The grave findings of the 4th century BC discussed in more detail in the text are highlighted in grey.
The following abbreviations are used: cent. = century; Pl. = Plateau; PM 1 = Pivnichnyi Mys 1; S. = Southern
Number Area Dating Literature
1964/3 Pl. II 1st cent. AD Козуб 1964, с. 4-9
1964/6 Pl. II 2nd—3rd cent. AD Козуб 1964, с. 9-10
1964/10 Pl. II 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1964, с. 10-11
1964/11 Pl. II 1st cent. AD Козуб 1964, с. 11-12
1964/12 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1964, с. 12
1965/6 Pl. I 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1965, с. 10-12
1965/7 Pl. III 3rd cent. AD Козуб 1965, с. 12
1965/8 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1965, с. 12-14
1966/pit 1 Pl. II 4th cent. BC Козуб 1967a, с. 7-9
1966/1 Pl. III 2nd—3rd cent. AD Козуб 1966, с. 6; Козуб 1967b, с. 210
1966/2 Pl. III 2nd—1st cent. BC Козуб 1966, с. 6-7; Козуб 1967b, с. 210
1966/5 Pl. III 2nd—1st cent. BC Козуб 1966, с. 7; Козуб 1967b, с. 210
1966/6 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1966, с. 7-8; Козуб 1967b, с. 210
1966/8 Pl. III 2nd—1st cent. BC Козуб 1966, 9; с. Козуб 1967b, с. 210
1967/1 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, с. 12
1967/2 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, с. 12
1967/3 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, с. 12-13; Козуб 1968b, 135. с. 138
1967/4 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, с. 13; Козуб 1968b, 135. с. 138
1967/7 Pl. III 1st-2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, 1 с. 4-15; Козуб 1968b, 135. с. 138
1967/8 Pl. II 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, 1 с. 5-16. Козуб 1968a, с. 139
1967/9 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, 1 с. 6; Козуб 1968b, 135. с. 138
1967/10 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1967a, с. 16-17
1968/1 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 7-8
1968/2 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 8
1968/3 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 8-9
1968/4 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 9-10; Козуб 1971b, 175
1968/5 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 10; Козуб 1971b, 175
1968/6 Pl. II 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 10; Козуб 1971b, 175
1968/7 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, 1 с. 0-12
1968/8 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 12.
1968/9 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1968a, с. 12.
1969/7 Pl. II 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб 1969, с. 15
1971/2 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1971a, с. 9
1971/5 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1971a, с. 10-14
1971/6 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1971a, с. 10-14
1972/2 Pl. III 1st (?) cent. AD Козуб 1972, с. 5
1972/4 Pl. III 1st (?) cent. AD Козуб 1972, с. 5
1972/5 Pl. III 1st (?) cent. AD Козуб 1972, с. 6
1972/6 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб 1972, с. 6
1973/1 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 21
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Number Area Dating Literature
1973/2 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 21
1973/3 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 21
1973/4 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 21-22
1973/5 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 22
1973/6 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 22
1973/7 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 22-23
1973/8 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 23
1973/9 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 23
1973/10 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 23
1973/11 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 24-25
1973/12 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 25
1973/13 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 25-26
1973/14 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 26
1973/15 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 26
1973/17 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 26
1973/18 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 27
1973/19 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 27-28
1973/20 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 28-29
1973/21 Pl. II 1st cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 29-30
1973/22 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 30
1973/23 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 30
1973/24 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1973, с. 30-33
1973/25 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1973, 33
1974/pit 18 Pl. III 4th cent. BC. Козуб 1974, с. 26-28
1974/1 Pl. III 2nd cent. BC Козуб 1974, с. 28-29
1974/2 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб 1974, с. 29-30
1974/3 Pl. III 1st cent. AD Козуб 1974, с. 30
1974/4 Pl. III 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1974, с. 30
1974/5 Pl. II 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1974, с. 31-34
1978/2 Pl. III 1st—2nd (?) cent. AD Козуб 1978, с. 8
1978/3 Pl. III 4th cent. BC Козуб 1978, с. 8
1978/5 Pl. III 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1978, с. 9-10
1978/6 Pl. III 1st —2nd cent. AD Козуб 1978, с. 10-11
1979/1 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 18
1979/2 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 18
1979/3 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 18-20
1979/5 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 20-21
1979/6 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 21
1979/7 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 21-22
1979/8 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 22
1979/9 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 22
1979/10 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 23-25
1979/11 Pl. III 1st cent. BC—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 25-28
1979/12 Pl. III 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1979c, с. 28
1982/1 Zaiacha Gully 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1982, с. 16
1982/2 Zaiacha Gully 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1982, с. 17
1982/3 Pl. S. 2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1982, с. 17
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 160
Number Area Dating Literature
1982/4 Pl. S. 1st (?) cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1982, с. 17-18
1982/7 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1982, с. 18-19
1983/2 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 12-15
1983/3 Zaiacha Gully 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 15-16
1983/5 Zaiacha Gully 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 16
1983/6 Zaiacha Gully 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 17-18
1983/10 Pl. S. 2nd—1st cent. BC Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 19-23
1983/11 Zaiacha Gully 2nd—1st cent. BC Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 23
1983/12 Zaiacha Gully 1st (?) cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1983, с. 23-26
1985/1 Pl. S. 3rd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1985, с. 2
1985/2 Pl. S. 2nd-—1st cent. BC Козуб, Папанова 1985, с. 2-4
1985/4 Pl. S. 3rd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1985, с. 5
1986/1 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 23-24
1986/2 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 24-26
1986/3 Pl. S. 2nd—3rd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 26
1986/4 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 27
1986/5 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 27
1986/6 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 27-28
1986/7 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 28-29
1986/9 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 29-31
1986/10 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 31-33
1986/13 Pl. S. 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1986, с. 34-35
1987/1 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 25
1987/2 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 26
1987/3 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 27
1987/4 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 28
1987/5 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 29
1987/6 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 30
1987/7 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 31
1987/8 Pl. S. 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 32
1987/9 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 33-34
1987/10 Pl. S. 1st cent. BC—1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 35
1987/12 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 36
1987/13 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 38
1987/14 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 39
1987/18 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1987, с. 43
1988/1 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1988, с. 8-11
1988/2 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1988, с. 11-12
1988/3 Pl. S. 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1988, с. 13
1988/4 Pl. S. 1st cent. AD Козуб, Папанова 1988, с. 13
1994/5 Pl. I 3rd cent. AD Козуб 1994, с. 7
1995/4 Pl. I 2nd cent. AD Козуб 1995, с. 16-17
1996/1 Pl. I 1st cent. AD Козуб 1997, с. 25-26
1996/2 Pl. I 1st cent. AD Козуб 1997, с. 26-30
1996/5 Pl. I 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1997, с. 31
1999/2 Pl. I 1st cent. AD Козуб 1999, с. 7-8
1999/6 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб 1999, с. 11-12; Козуб 2000, с. 23
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 1 61
Number Area Dating Literature
2000/6 PM 1 Roman Козуб 2000, с. 22
2000/7 PM 1 Roman Козуб 2000, с. 22-23; Козуб, Стоянов 2001, с. 14-15
2001/5 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Стоянов 2001, с. 12-13
2001/6 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Стоянов 2001, с. 13
2001/7 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб, Стоянов 2001, с. 13-14
2002/1 PM 1 4th cent. BC Козуб et al. 2002, с. 9-10
2002/2 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2002, с. 10
2002/5 PM 1 Roman Козуб et al. 2002, с. 12
2002/6 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2002, с. 12-13; Козуб et al. 2005, с. 14
2003/6 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2003, с. 17-24
2005/1 PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2005, с. 14-23
2005/1a PM 1 1st—2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2005, с. 23-25
2005/2 PM 1 2nd cent. AD Козуб et al. 2005, с. 25-27
2005/12 PM 1 3rd cent. BC Козуб et al. 2005, с. 37-38; Ивченко et al. 2006, с. 34-37
2005/14 PM 1 3rd—2nd cent. BC Козуб et al. 2005, с. 39-43
2006/pit 2 PM 1 4th cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2006, с. 6-14
2006/pit 7 PM 1 4th (?) cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2006, с. 23-25
2006/8 PM 1 2nd—4th cent. AD Ивченко et al. 2006, с. 37-40
2006/1 PM 1 after the 4th cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2006, с. 21-22. 37
2007/2 PM 1 1st cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2007, с. 27-32; Ивченко 2008, с. 15-17
2007/3 PM 1 1st cent. AD Ивченко et al. 2007, с. 32-38
2007/4 PM 1 1st cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2007, с. 38-39; Ивченко 2008, с. 17-19
2007/11 PM 1 4th (?) cent. BC Ивченко et al. 2007, с. 24-25
2008/6 PM 1 2nd—1st cent. BC Ивченко 2008, с. 19-26; Ивченко 2009, с. 23-25
2009/1 SM 1 4th cent. BC Ивченко 2009, с. 25
2009/2 PM 1 2nd cent. BC Ивченко 2009, с. 25-27
2009/4 PM 1 2nd— 3rd cent. AD Ивченко 2009, с. 27-31
2010/1 PM 1 4th cent. BC Ивченко 2010, с. 17
2010/2 PM 1 3rd— 2nd cent. BC Ивченко 2010, с. 17-25; Ивченко 2011, с. 15-16
2013/11 PM 1 2nd cent. BC Ивченко 2013, с. 62-79
2017/object 6 HEKP-7 4th cent. BC Буйских, Форнасье, Кузьмищев 2017, с. 33. 37-
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Й. Форнасьє1, А. В. Івченко2, О. Г. Кузьміщев3
1Професор, доктор, Інститут історії мистецтва і археології Європи, Галле-Віттенбергський університет імені Мар-
тіна Лютера, Німеччина, ORCID: 0000-0002-1660-8251, jochen.fornasier@altertum.uni-halle.de
2Молодший науковий співробітник відділу античної археології, Інститут археології НАН України, ORCID: 0000-0001-
7496-4281, comandor_a@ukr.net
3Кандидат історичних наук, науковий співробітник відділу античної археології, Інститут археології НАН України,
ORCID: 0000-0003-2718-7111, a.kuzm@ukr.net
ПОХОВАННЯ ПОМЕРЛИХ НА НЕЩОДАВНО ПОКИНУТИХ ТЕРИТОРІЯХ ПОСЕЛЕННЯ —
СВІДЧЕННЯ ОБЛОГИ ОЛЬВІЇ ПОНТІЙСЬКОЇ ЗОПІРІОНОМ?
Статтю присвячено поточним результатам українсько-німецького спільного проєкту, що проводить дослідження в Ольвії
Понтійській з історії містобудування стародавнього міста з 2014 р. Основу увагу приділено похованням IV століття до н.е.
З 1960-х років вони були виявлені в районі на захід від основного міста, яке спочатку використовувалося під житлову
забудову і було оточене укріпленням. До сьогодення ці поховання були недостатньо опубліковані. Вони, вочевидь,
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2024, № 1 65
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Belgorodskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriia. Politologiia. Ekonomika. Informatika, 1 (120), 21, p. 12-24.
знаменують процес глибокої трансформації міського розвитку з середини IV ст. до н.е. та додатково проливають нове
світло на історію тогочасних подій. Так, у межах колишніх поселенських структур виявлено кілька множинних поховань,
у яких померлі були покладені без інвентаря та переважно у нетипових позах. Ці колишні поселенські структури: рів
укріплення, побудований в пізньоархаїчний період, цистерна або навіть господарські ями – мали, таким чином, бути ще
достатньо і майже цілком видимими під час їх вторинного використання. З одного боку, ці знахідки свідчать про те, що
могили мали бути закладені відразу після того, як західна частина міста була занедбана. З іншого боку, (прагматичне)
використання таких різноманітних споруд, які ще функціонували, схоже, не вказує на наявність у цей час звичайного
некрополя в цьому районі.
У багатьох випадках на кістках вдалося зафіксувати зовнішні пошкодження, що свідчить про надзвичайну кризову
ситуацію. У попередніх дослідженнях ця криза вже пов’язувалась з облогою Ольвії македонським полководцем
Зопіріоном, що відображено в літературі. Збіг у часі військової кризи в Ольвії (331 р. до н. е.) з появою за міською
брамою нестандартних масових поховань дійсно вражає. Однак конкретний зв’язок між цими явищами дотепер
було встановлено без достатнього розгляду матеріальних доказів. Мета цієї статті, таким чином, полягає в тому, щоб
розглянути обґрунтованість запропонованої тези про причинно-наслідковий зв’язок на підставі відомих археологічних
знахідок, які тут уперше докладно представлені.
K e y w o r d s: Нижнє Побужжя, Ольвія Понтійська, античний період, Зопіріон, облога міста, просторовий розвиток.
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