Pityous and its mosaics
“Setting out from Dioskourias the first harbour will be in Pityous, at a distance of 350 stadia” reports Flavius Arrianus in his Periplous Ponti Euxini (peripl. 18, 1). The governor of Cappadocia and his representative fleet – one trireme and some liburnae – traveled in 134 AD along the Eastern Pon...
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nasplib_isofts_kiev_ua-123456789-1729622025-02-09T20:26:12Z Pityous and its mosaics Питиунт и его мозаики Plontke -Luening, A. “Setting out from Dioskourias the first harbour will be in Pityous, at a distance of 350 stadia” reports Flavius Arrianus in his Periplous Ponti Euxini (peripl. 18, 1). The governor of Cappadocia and his representative fleet – one trireme and some liburnae – traveled in 134 AD along the Eastern Pontos shore and inspected the Roman garrisons between Trapezous and the “end of the Roman dominion” which was at his time in Dioskourias-Sebastopolis. Continuing the journey to the Crimea Arrian came to Pityous which was the first harbour after Sebastopolis, at a distance of 350 stadia. So there was no Roman garrison at Pitiunt in Hadrianic time. But it seems that the journey of Arrian gave the impetus to install in Pityous Roman forces because he recognized the importance of the place for the grain transport from the Northern Pontos to Trapezous which was the supply base for the Roman forces in Anatolia. Римская крепость Питиунт, расположенная на западном берегу Пицундского мыса, является одним из лучше всего исследованных мест Восточного Причерноморья. Крепость была основана в середине II в.н.э. Первые постройки были сооружены из дерева. Аналогичную ситуацию можно было наблюдать в крепости Фазис в устье современной реки Риони, о чем мы узнаем из Аррианского перипла. Сохранившиеся крепостные стены Питиунта с U-образными угловыми башнями были построены во времена тетрархии или правления Константина I. Крепость была отремонтирована после нашествия гениокхов в 257 г. Во время усиления римской власти в V-VI вв.н.э. была построена крепостная стена, вокруг неё canabae и сооружен порт. 2006 Article Pityous and its mosaics / A. Plontke -Luening // Херсонесский сборник. — 2006. — Вип. 15. — С. 181-189. — Бібліогр.: 26 назв. — англ. XXXX-0129 https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/172962 en Херсонесский сборник application/pdf Кримський філіал Інституту археології НАН України |
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“Setting out from Dioskourias the first harbour will be in Pityous, at a distance of 350 stadia” reports Flavius Arrianus in his Periplous Ponti Euxini (peripl. 18, 1). The governor of Cappadocia and his representative fleet – one trireme and some liburnae – traveled in 134 AD along the Eastern Pontos shore and inspected the Roman garrisons between Trapezous and the “end of the Roman dominion” which was at his time in Dioskourias-Sebastopolis. Continuing the journey to the Crimea Arrian came to Pityous which was the first harbour after Sebastopolis, at a distance of 350 stadia. So there was no Roman garrison at Pitiunt in Hadrianic time. But it seems that the journey of Arrian gave the impetus to install in Pityous Roman forces because he recognized the importance of the place for the grain transport from the Northern Pontos to Trapezous which was the supply base for the Roman forces in Anatolia. |
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Pityous and its mosaics |
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Pityous and its mosaics |
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Pityous and its mosaics |
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Pityous and its mosaics |
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pityous and its mosaics |
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Кримський філіал Інституту археології НАН України |
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Pityous and its mosaics / A. Plontke -Luening // Херсонесский сборник. — 2006. — Вип. 15. — С. 181-189. — Бібліогр.: 26 назв. — англ. |
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181
Херсонесский сборник. Выпуск 15
A. PLONTKE-LUENING
pityous ANd its mosAiCs
“Setting out from Dioskourias the first harbour
will be in Pityous, at a distance of 350 stadia” reports
Flavius Arrianus in his Periplous Ponti Euxini
(peripl. 18, 1). The governor of Cappadocia and his
representative fleet – one trireme and some liburnae
– traveled in 134 AD along the Eastern Pontos shore
and inspected the Roman garrisons between Trapezous
and the “end of the Roman dominion” which was at
his time in Dioskourias-Sebastopolis. Continuing the
journey to the Crimea Arrian came to Pityous which
was the first harbour after Sebastopolis, at a distance of
350 stadia. So there was no Roman garrison at Pitiunt
in Hadrianic time. But it seems that the journey of
Arrian gave the impetus to install in Pityous Roman
forces because he recognized the importance of the
place for the grain transport from the Northern Pontos
to Trapezous which was the supply base for the Roman
forces in Anatolia.
The first inscription from Pityous dates to 152
AD (Speidel, Todua: 1988, 56, fig. 3). It shows that
Pitiunt became soon after Arrian’s visit the last sta-
tion of the “Pontic limes” at the Eastern Pontic shore.
This chain of Roman fortresses represents a specific
type of Roman defensive structures – it consisted of
castra in a distance of a one day’s journey by ship and
was the base for the actions of the Pontic fleet with its
headquarters in Trapezunt. At the same time it offered
sure and comfortable resting places for the grain fleets
which brought the supply from Northern Pontos to the
Roman forces in Anatolia.
A tile stamp from the castle territory makes clear
that here stood a deployment of the leg XV Apollinaris
(Kiguradze, Lordkipanidze, Todua 1987), and an in-
scription on a sandstone slab can be read for the year
223 AD: Maximo et Aeliano coss (Speidel–Todua
1988 58 fig. 4). Zosimos (I 32, 1) reports for the 3rd c.
AD that Pityous had an excellent harbour. The Notitia
Dignitatum gives the fortress sub duce Armeniae (Not
dign. or. XVIII 32 ed. Seeck 84 ) and suggests that
here was installed a new ala (prima felix Theodosi-
ana) in the later 4th c. AD.
The remaining fortress is with 162x136 m (2,2
ha, fig. 1) rather small. The fortress walls are built
with opus caementitium with a facing of small
conglomerate blocks (moellons). The investigations
of N. Kiguradze and G. Lordkipanidze in the NE of
the castle made clear that the first castle was built
with wood and earth (Lortkipanije 1991: 81, pl. 19-
20) like the first fortress of Phasis as it is reported in
Arrian (peripl. IX, 4). But in the later 2nd or earlier
3rd c. the walls must have been built for the first time
in stone (resp. opus caementitium) because Zosimos
mentions “very high walls.” The fan shape corner
towers (fig. 4) show that a greater restauration took
place in Diocletianic-Constantinian era: The fortress
was rebuilt after the destruction and robbery of ships
from the harbour by the Scythians in 257 AD reported
by Zosimos.
Inside the fortress were unearthed the principia
and houses of the officers; the bathes of the
“Reihentyp” were outside the fortress near the Porta
Praetoria. This gate was orientated to the East where
today lies a swampy lake with is connected with a
channel system to the Northwest. The canalization
of the central part of the fortress goes directly to the
lake. It seems very likely that here we have to see
the remains of the “excellent harbour” mentioned by
Zosimos (Lortkipanije 1991: 74-80). Unfortunately
no investigations of the territory could be made
yet. But it is clear that the ships were brought by a
system from channels to the lake-the harbour basin
was defenced from storm even as from enemies. It
is a completely different situation than in Athenai on
the southeastern Pontos shore where Arrian’s fleet lost
one liburna in a heavy storm (peripl. IVs.). According
to coins, in the time of Anastasius (491-518) even the
harbour basin and a part of the canabae – which is
also not investigated – were encircled by a wall. The
north flank of the fortress was defended by a tower
near the Eastern shore of the lake Inkit.
In Pityous lived one of the earliest Christian
communities in Pontus Polemoniacus. Bishop Strat-
ophilus from Pityous participated in the First Oecu-
menical concile of Nicea in 325 together with his
brothers Longinus from Neocaesarea and Domnus
from Trapezous (Patrum nicaenorum nomina ed. ed.
182
Плонтке-Лунинг А. Питиунт и его мозаики
Gelzer, Hilgenfeld, Markschies (1995) p. LXII).
The most interesting evidence of the flourish-
ing Christian community we find in the complex of
churches south of the harbour basin (fig. 2). From 4th-
6th c. were built several churches at the place. The
first was a rather big hall church which was destroyed
by a fire which can be connected with a raid of the
Huns (Lordkipanije 1991: 181) in the last third of the
4th c. AD. The church is considered to be the cathe-
dral of Stratophilus and therefore was dated in the
years unimmediately after 313. But it seems rather
probable that it was built after the Nicaenian concile
which must have been a trading centre for ideas and
plans for church buildings all over the Empire.
Most interesting is the first basilica with traces
of marble sculpture and a mosaic floor which can be
dated into the 5th c. The plan of this church seems to
be strange. The slightly polygonal apse is as broad as
the naos. The supports of the nave are poorely docu-
mented although Cicišvili reports fragments of older
bases on the stylobate which he considers re-used for
the second basilica (Cicišvili 1975: 101). G. Lortki-
panije (Lortkipanije 1991: fig. 6. 2. 2) reconstructs
even this church as a hall church without supports,
Sakaraia (Sakaraia 1984: 72s.) assumes wooden col-
umns, and Khroushkova suggests a column basilica
with architrave because of the fragments of a mar-
ble column and of an achitrave with three fascies
(Khroushkova 2002: 72-74). The main problem is the
poor documentation of the the excavation results. For
a basilica with aisles argues the mosaic decoration
– in N and S were narrow carpets typically for the
decoration of aisles.
Main subjects of the mosaics are the paradise and
the Vita aeterna. The apse mosaic shows two deers
besides a cantharos (fig. 5), the mosaic on the podium
in the centre of the apse gives a chrismon with alpha
and omega (fig. 6). In the narthex was a basin for
baptism surrounded by two mosaic carpets. The bet-
ter preserved shows a cantharos flanked by birds (fig.
9). On the lid of the cantharos we see two birds – a
reminiscence to the famous Sosos mosaic from Per-
gamum which was often copied in Roman mosaics.
The mosaics from the aisles show geometric patterns
(figs. 7, 8), and in the northern part of the narthex was
a mosaic carpet with rhomboids (fig. 10) remember-
ing the floor of the cross church of Antiokhia-Qaousi-
ye (387 AD, Levi 1938: pl. CXIV a).
The mosaics have analogies especially in the Bal-
kans and in Syria (Odišeli 1995: 31-60; Plontke-Lün-
ing 2006: DVD, s. v. Pitiunt), lesser in the Chersone-
sus mosaics. Unfortunately mosaics from Cappadocia
are not known yet – so we do not know whether there
were direct connections between the centres of Cap-
padocia and Pityous.
The inscription in the podium mosaic gives us the
donor Orel – obviously a Roman or Romanized man
who wore in the 5th c. else the Roman cognomen
Aurelius (Seibt 1992: 142).
It seems very probable that our richly adorned
church was not only the cathedra of the bishop of
Pityous but even had memorial functions as suggests
the podium mosaic with Chrismon. A memorial
function was assumed even by Matsulevich,
Vostchinina, Brandenburg and Velmans.
In the 5th c. two martyrium stories became very
popular in Eastern Pontos, each of them connected
with Roman military forces. This seems to be an in-
dicator for the importance of the Roman army in the
region even at that time. The one, the martyrium of
Arauraka (Bryer-Winfield 1985: 165-169; Text: PG
116 467-505), tells about five soldiers and their mar-
tyrium in Pontus; one of them, the legionarius Orest-
es, could have been venerated in the octagonal church
of Sukhumi-Sebastopolis which was discovered and
published by Lyudmila Khrushkova (Khrushkova
2002: 67-136). The other one is the Martyrium of
Orentius or of the Seven brothers of Lazica (Acta
SS Iunii IV p. 809ss.; Peeters: 1938; Bryer-Winfield
1985: 166f. 325; Braund: 1995: 265), which plays, of
course, in the Diocletianic persecution. It is the his-
tory of seven Christian soldiers from the Roman gar-
rison at Satala who were brought to Trapezous and
from there by ship along the Eastern pontos shore;
the stations are the same like in the Periplous of Arri-
an. The first, Orentius, is martyred in Rhizaion-Rize,
the next two, Firmus and Firminus, find their end in
Apsarus, and the corpse of the last, Longinus, was
washed to the shore at Pityous. So the martyrium ma-
terializes the common way of transport in the Eastern
Pontos and shows Pityous again as the last station of
Roman dominion. And it seems very probable that it
was even Longinus who was venerated in the cathe-
dral church of Pityous.
The church existed only a short time. Soon a new
basilica was erected at the same place. Its plan is
comparable with the 5th c. basilicas of Constantino-
ple, and also the building technics – the walls were
erected in opus mixtum – have their origin in Con-
stantinople. Inside the church parts of the older mo-
saic floors were in use else; the destroyed parts were
repaired with tile slabs.
The church was furnished with Proconnesian
marble which is preserved only in small fragments
Khroushkova 2002: 83, fig. 8). It had an ambo to which
belong stair plates with cross representations and a
cancel screen with slabs with cross representations.
Obviously to the altar belongs a slab with Chrismon.
183
Херсонесский сборник. Выпуск 15
So we may assume that the liturgy in Pitiunt followed
the example of Constantinople.
The trade with Proconnesian marble reached even
the easternmost Pontos coast. It is here not the place
to speak about the furnishings of the cathedral church
of Saisenos (today Caiši) in Northern Lazica where
capitals from the 1st half of the 6th c. are preserved in
the later church (Khruchkova 1980: 14-25, Plontke-
Lüning 2006: DVD 263-267).
It is hard to date the two representative churches.
The mosaics of the 2nd church point to a date in the 5th
c. Inasmuch the church existed only a short time it seems
probable that the new basilica was erected in connec-
tions with the building activities in the time of Anasta-
sius in the early 6th c. The fragmented marble decoration
indicates a strong destruction which may be connected
with the selfdestruction of the fortress by the Romans
in 542 reported by Procopius (bell. got. VIII (IV) 4).
A comparable situation we find in the Iatrus fortress in
Moesia (today Krivina/Bulgaria) where from the 4th to
6th c. three basilicas were built in succession south of the
principia (Ivanov 1979: 27, fig. 1).
The last church in the Pitiunt fortress was built
in the west of the three churches; its apse cuts in the
narthex region of the previous churches. It is a hall
church with a wide narthex, three-edged apse and
wall pilasters which supported the barrel vault. The
walls were built in opus mixtum, the vault in bricks;
the proportion between bricks and mortar is nearly
1:2. In the apse was a mosaic with petal rapport; and a
bench with a cathedra in the centre was documented.
A small room in the eastern niche of the south wall
was possibly a martyrium. So we may consider the
fourth building for the rather modest cathedral which
was built after the destruction of 542.
The structure of the church differs clearly from the
constantinopolitan models of the previous churches.
Analogies we find in North Mesopotamian churches
of the 5th-7th c. like Mar Cyriacus in Arnas (Bell 1982:
16. 99, fig.9), Kefr Zeh, (Bell 1982: 44f., 120f., fig.
29) or Mar Philoxenos in Midyat (Bell 1982: 51f.,
131, fig. 36) and in South Armenian churches like
T’ukh (Gandolfo 1973: 85-88, figs. 3-10, 30-56; Cu-
neo 1988: 602; Thierry, Vaspurakan 230-232, fig. 41)
and Pashvatsk (Gandolfo 1973: 90-93, figs. 18-25,
60-80; Cuneo 1988: 382; Thierry: 116). It is hard to
say why in the region which was closely connected
with Constantinople and Cappadocia a church of this
plan was erected. Maybe the bishop who built the
church came from these regions.
We have a rather scarce knowledge about the de-
velopment of Pityous after the time of Justinian I. In
the early 10th c. we see it in the register of archbish-
ops of the Constantinopolitan patriarch Nikolaos I.
(901-907) at the 36th position, and it is called Soteri-
oupolis (Not. Episcopatuum ecclesiae Cpolitanae 7.
87 ed Darrouzés 1981). A lead seal found in Bulgaria
and now in the collection Nikolov in Razgrad and
dated by Seibt into the forties of the 11th c. belongs
to the Protospatharios and Strategos Nikolaos who
commanded the Byzantine fortress Anakopia (today
New Athos) and Soterupolis. So we know that Pity-
ous–Soterupolis was in Byzantine hands in the 11th
c. The Abasgian coastal points were the base for the
byzantine contacts with Alania north of the Caucasus
range.
In the first half of the 10th c. the big church was
erected more than 500 m east of the old fortress. The
archbishop of Pitiunt–Soteroupolis had founded a
new and much more representative residence.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bell G. 1982 The Churches and Monasteries of the Tur ‘Abdin. With an introduction and notes by Maria Mundell Mango.
(London).
Brandenburg H. 1969 Christussymbole in frühchristlichen Bodenmosaiken. Römische Quartalsschrift 64: 74-138.
Braund D. 1994 Georgia in Antiquity. A History of Colchis and Transcaucasian Iberia. 550 BC - AD 562. (Oxford).
Bryer A., Winfield D. 1985 The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos. (Washington).
Cicišvili I. 1975 Kompleks tserkovnykh sooruzheniy v Pitsunde. In: A. Apakidze (ed.) Didi pitiunti II. (Tbilisi): 101-119.
Cuneo P. 1973 Le basiliche di T’ux, Xncorgin, Pašvac’k, Hogeac’vank’. (Roma).
Cuneo P. 1988 L’architettura armena. (Roma).
Donceel-Voute P. 1988 Les pavements des èglises byzantines de Syrie et du Liban.
Gelzer M., Hilgenfeld H., Markschies C. 1995 Patrum nicaenorum nomina. (Leipzig).
Ivanov T. 1979 Die neuentdeckte dritte Basilika. Iatrus-Krivina. (Berlin). 1: 27-33.
Khrushkova L. 1980 Скульптура раннесредневековой Абхазии. (Москва).
Khrushkova L. 2002 Раннехристианские памятники Восточного Причерноморья. (Москва).
Kiguradze N., Lordkipanidze G.,Todua T. 1987 Клейма XV legiona из Питиунта. ВДИ 2: 88-92.
Levi D. 1938 Antioch Mosaic Pavements. (Princeton).
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184
Плонтке-Лунинг А. Питиунт и его мозаики
РЕЗюМЕ
А. Плонтке-Лунинг
ПИТИУНТ И ЕГО МОЗАИКИ
Римская крепость Питиунт, расположенная
на западном берегу Пицундского мыса, является
одним из лучше всего исследованных мест Вос-
точного Причерноморья. Крепость была основана
в середине II в.н.э. Первые постройки были соору-
жены из дерева. Аналогичную ситуацию можно
было наблюдать в крепости Фазис в устье совре-
менной реки Риони, о чем мы узнаем из Арриан-
ского перипла. Сохранившиеся крепостные сте-
ны Питиунта с U-образными угловыми башнями
были построены во времена тетрархии или прав-
ления Константина I. Крепость была отремонти-
рована после нашествия гениокхов в 257 г. Во вре-
мя усиления римской власти в V-VI вв.н.э. была
построена крепостная стена, вокруг неё canabae и
сооружен порт.
Крепость Питиунт являлась последним пунк-
том Понтийского лимеса на Восточном побережье
Черного моря. Цепь крепостей вдоль границы им-
перии являлась своеобразным типом римских обо-
ронительных сооружений. Крепости были распо-
ложены на расстоянии одного дня пути кораблем.
Они служили базами Понтийского флота и сто-
янками для транспорта зерна из Северного При-
черноморья в Трапезунд, откуда снабжались вой-
ска Евфратского лимеса. Клейма на кирпичах из
Питиунта подтверждают присутствие отряда XV
legiona Apollinaris в крепости. Notitia dignitatum
упоминает Питиунт sub duce Armeniae, который
имел резиденцию в Салате в Малой Армении.
Раннехристианская община Питиунта входила
в состав епархии Pontus Polemoniacus. Питиунт-
ский епископ Стратофил подписал Никейский си-
нод в 325 г. вместе со своими братьями Домнусом
Трапезундским и Лонгинусом Неокесаррийским.
Интересные сведения раннехристианской жиз-
ни в Питиунте содержат тексты в южной части
стены VI в.: с IV по VI-VII вв. были построены
четыре церкви на одном и том же месте. Особен-
но интересна базилика с остатками мраморного
убранства и мозаичных полов V в. Центральной
тематикой мозаичных полов является символика
рая и вечной жизни. Надпись на мозаике в апсиде
дает ктитора, вероятно, римский или романизиро-
ванный человек (Aurelius). Очевидно, эта богатая
базилика была связана с культом семи Лазских
братьев, который был популярен в V-VI вв. в Вос-
точном Причерноморье. По преданию, последний
Martir Longinus был найден мертвым на берегу у
Питиунта.
Matsulevich L. 1978 Mozaiki Bichvinty-Velikogo Pitiunta. In: A. Apakidze (Ed.) Didi pitiunti III. (Tbilisi): 100-168.
Peeters P. 1938 Le légende de S. Orentius et de ses six frère Martyrs. Analecta Bollandiana 56: 241-264.
Plontke-Luening A. 2006 Frühchristliche Architektur in Kaukasien. Die Entwicklung des christlichen Sakralbaus in La-
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Fig. 1. Pitiunt, plan of the castle (Apakidze 1978 pl. 2)
Fig. 2. Pitiunt, plan of the four churches (Apakidze 1978 l. 6)
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Fig. 3. Pitiunt, plan of the surviving mosaics (Apakidze 1978 pl. 7a)
Fig. 4. Southwest corner of the Pitiunt castle (photo Plontke-Luening)
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Fig. 5. Mosaic floor in the apse (Apakidze 1978 fig. 130)
Fig. 6. Mosaic floor of the altar podium (Apakidze 1978 fig. 115)
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Плонтке-Лунинг А. Питиунт и его мозаики
Fig. 7. Mosaic floor from the south aisle (Apakidze 1978 fig. 180-182)
Fig. 8. Mosaic floor of the south aisle (Apakidze 1978 fig. 168)
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Fig. 9. Mosaic floor in the narthex, near the baptistery (Apakidze 1978 fig. 156)
Fig. 10. Mosaic carpet in the narthex (Apakidze 1978 fig. 145)
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