Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium
In the twelfth century, rhetoric was one of the dominant elements of the Byzantine intellectual culture, and rhetorical education was an important lift for social mobility. The flourishing of rhetoric was associated with the social rise of the urban middle class, and that part of the Byzantine nobil...
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Khvalkov, Ye. 2020-11-18T20:10:00Z 2020-11-18T20:10:00Z 2012 Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium / Ye. Khvalkov // Херсонесский сборник. — 2012. — Вип. 17. — С. 209-214. — Бібліогр.: 6 назв. — англ. XXXX-0129 https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/173038 In the twelfth century, rhetoric was one of the dominant elements of the Byzantine intellectual culture, and rhetorical education was an important lift for social mobility. The flourishing of rhetoric was associated with the social rise of the urban middle class, and that part of the Byzantine nobility, who was not connected with the imperial family. Rhetorical skills ensured promotion and protection on the service in the government and the church. Education was a privilege available only to the wealthy segments of society and provided the opportunity for career growth. Books have been relatively scarce and were mostly in private hands. The creation of the patriarchal schools in Constantinople made education accessible to a wider public. This period was characterized by the appointment to bishoprics not monks, but rather the clergy of the capital, who received the rhetorical training. The pupils of the capital’s schools formed a relatively close circle of intellectuals connected to each other in a personal network. The growth of significance of the episcopal authority in the province was followed by the spread of classical education in the province. Combined with the revival of interest towards the history of ancient Greek polis, this process seems to have contributed to the development of the local urban identity. В XII в. риторика была одним из доминирующих элементов византийской интеллектуальной культуры, а риторическое образование — важным лифтом социальной мобильности. Расцвет риторики был связан с социальным возвышением городского среднего класса и той части византийской знати, которая не была связана с императорской семьей. Навыки риторики обеспечивали продвижение и покровительство на службе в государственном аппарате и в церкви. Образование было привилегией, доступной только состоятельным слоям общества и обеспечивавшей возможность карьерного роста. Книги были относительно редки и находились преимущественно в частных руках. Создание патриарших школ в Константинополе сделало образование доступным более широкому кругу лиц. Для этого периода было характерно назначение на епископские кафедры не монахов, а столичного духовенства, получившего риторическую подготовку. Воспитанники столичных школ образовывали сравнительно узкий круг связанных между собой интеллектуалов. Рост значения епископской власти на местах сопровождался распространением в провинции классического образования. В сочетании с возрождением интереса к античной истории греческих полисов, этот процесс по всей видимости внес вклад в развитие местного городского самосознания. У XII в. риторика була однією з домінуючих елементів візантійської інтелектуальної культури, а риторична освіта — важливим ліфтом соціальної мобільності. Розквіт риторики був пов'язаний із соціальним піднесенням міського середнього класу і тієї частини візантійської знаті, яка не була пов'язана з імператорською родиною. Навички риторики забезпечували просування і заступництво на службі в державному апараті і в церкві. Освіта була привілеєм, доступним тільки заможним верствам суспільства і забезпечувала можливість кар'єрного росту. Книги були відносно рідкісні і перебували переважно у приватних руках. Створення патріарших шкіл у Константинополі зробило освіту доступною ширшому колу осіб. Для цього періоду характерне призначення на єпископські кафедри не ченців, а столичного духовенства, що отримав риторичну підготовку. Вихованці столичних шкіл утворювали порівняно вузьке коло пов'язаних між собою інтелектуалів. Зростання значення єпископської влади на місцях супроводжувався поширенням в провінції класичної освіти. У поєднанні з відродженням інтересу до античної історії грецьких полісів, цей процес по всій видимості вніс вклад у розвиток місцевого міського самосвідомості. ru Кримський філіал Інституту археології НАН України Херсонесский сборник Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium Риторика, образование и местная индивидуальность в Византи в XI–XIII вв. Риторика, освіта та місцева ідентичність у Візантіі у XI–XIII ст . Article published earlier |
| institution |
Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
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| title |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium |
| spellingShingle |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium Khvalkov, Ye. |
| title_short |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium |
| title_full |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium |
| title_fullStr |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium |
| title_sort |
rhetoric, education and local identity in 11th-13th centuries’ byzantium |
| author |
Khvalkov, Ye. |
| author_facet |
Khvalkov, Ye. |
| publishDate |
2012 |
| language |
Russian |
| container_title |
Херсонесский сборник |
| publisher |
Кримський філіал Інституту археології НАН України |
| format |
Article |
| title_alt |
Риторика, образование и местная индивидуальность в Византи в XI–XIII вв. Риторика, освіта та місцева ідентичність у Візантіі у XI–XIII ст . |
| description |
In the twelfth century, rhetoric was one of the dominant elements of the Byzantine intellectual culture, and rhetorical education was an important lift for social mobility. The flourishing of rhetoric was associated with the social rise of the urban middle class, and that part of the Byzantine nobility, who was not connected with the imperial family. Rhetorical skills ensured promotion and protection on the service in the government and the church. Education was a privilege available only to the wealthy segments of society and provided the opportunity for career growth. Books have been relatively scarce and were mostly in private hands. The creation of the patriarchal schools in Constantinople made education accessible to a wider public. This period was characterized by the appointment to bishoprics not monks, but rather the clergy of the capital, who received the rhetorical training. The pupils of the capital’s schools formed a relatively close circle of intellectuals connected to each other in a personal network. The growth of significance of the episcopal authority in the province was followed by the spread of classical education in the province. Combined with the revival of interest towards the history of ancient Greek polis, this process seems to have contributed to the development of the local urban identity.
В XII в. риторика была одним из доминирующих элементов византийской интеллектуальной культуры, а риторическое образование — важным лифтом социальной мобильности. Расцвет риторики был связан с социальным возвышением городского среднего класса и той части византийской знати, которая не была связана с императорской семьей. Навыки риторики обеспечивали продвижение и покровительство на службе в государственном аппарате и в церкви. Образование было привилегией, доступной только состоятельным слоям общества и обеспечивавшей возможность карьерного роста. Книги были относительно редки и находились преимущественно в частных руках. Создание патриарших школ в Константинополе сделало образование доступным более широкому кругу лиц. Для этого периода было характерно назначение на епископские кафедры не монахов, а столичного духовенства, получившего риторическую подготовку. Воспитанники столичных школ образовывали сравнительно узкий круг связанных между собой интеллектуалов. Рост значения епископской власти на местах сопровождался распространением в провинции классического образования. В сочетании с возрождением интереса к античной истории греческих полисов, этот процесс по всей видимости внес вклад в развитие местного городского самосознания.
У XII в. риторика була однією з домінуючих елементів візантійської інтелектуальної культури, а риторична освіта — важливим ліфтом соціальної мобільності. Розквіт риторики був пов'язаний із соціальним піднесенням міського середнього класу і тієї частини візантійської знаті, яка не була пов'язана з імператорською родиною. Навички риторики забезпечували просування і заступництво на службі в державному апараті і в церкві. Освіта була привілеєм, доступним тільки заможним верствам суспільства і забезпечувала можливість кар'єрного росту. Книги були відносно рідкісні і перебували переважно у приватних руках. Створення патріарших шкіл у Константинополі зробило освіту доступною ширшому колу осіб. Для цього періоду характерне призначення на єпископські кафедри не ченців, а столичного духовенства, що отримав риторичну підготовку. Вихованці столичних шкіл утворювали порівняно вузьке коло пов'язаних між собою інтелектуалів. Зростання значення єпископської влади на місцях супроводжувався поширенням в провінції класичної освіти. У поєднанні з відродженням інтересу до античної історії грецьких полісів, цей процес по всій видимості вніс вклад у розвиток місцевого міського самосвідомості.
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Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium / Ye. Khvalkov // Херсонесский сборник. — 2012. — Вип. 17. — С. 209-214. — Бібліогр.: 6 назв. — англ. |
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209
Херсонесский сборник. Выпуск 17
Ye. KHVALKOV
rhETOrIC, EduCATION ANd lOCAl IdENTITy IN 11TH — 13TH CENTurIES’ ByZANTIum
Byzantine literature was largely seen in
historiography as «Christian» and «medieval»; therefore,
its Greek and Roman roots and continuity were often
disregarded [Kaldellis 2007, p. 3–5] 1. Rhetoric was
the dominant element in Byzantine intellectual culture,
never more than in the twelfth century [Magdalino
1993, p. 335]. Above all, rhetoric was an instrument
of politics [Dennis 1997, p. 131]. The flourishing
of rhetoric had to do with snobbery, and hence the
ambivalent social status, of those educated Byzantines
who originated from the urban middle classes or local
gentry and did not belong to the Comnenian «extended
family» nobility [Magdalino 1993, p. 339] 2. Education
was a career investment, and rhetoric skills presumably
provided them patronage and promotion in imperial,
ecclesiastic or magnate service.
Two factors determined the identity and the high
social status of the elite during the Comnenian period —
good birth (presumably as a reaction to increasing
social mobility) and proficiency in Greek literacy. The
latter was a privilege available only to the wealthy
classes on the one hand, and an impetus in a political
or church career on the other. Many sources of that time
stress that books were relatively scarce and dispersed
among different owners, which meant a narrowing of
the availability of education. Reading was a private
affair, with wisdom subordinate to wealth [Magdalino
1993, p. 339]. According to Theodore Prodrome, it was
only John IX Agapetos, Patriarch of Constantinople
(1111–1134), who managed to establish kind of a public
library and scriptorium. Anyway, however, access to
literacy and education remained a privilege, and book
collections were small and isolated. It was centralized
and managed in the capital — the upper echelons of the
teaching profession formed a singular hierarchy.
The Byzantine schools were attached to Hagia
Sophia (three senior scriptural didaskaloi) and other
1 The same is true for the system of Byzantine paideia, which was, in
fact, a later development of the Greek Hellenic school. The adoption of
Christianity did not mean that the literary traditions of antiquity were
forgotten or neglected.
2 Although Magdalino writes that the rising merchant class could chal-
lenge the positions of the literati, these very nouveaux riches often cared
about the proper education and career for their sons.
churches of Constantinople (nine non-scriptural
didaskaloi, among them — maistor ton rhetoron, ipatos
ton philosophon, nomophylax, didaskalos ton ethnon,
etc.). Therefore, the educational institutions got the
name of Patriarchal School although governmental in
their origin and mainly secular in their curriculum.
Paul Magdalino stressed the non-institutionalized and
partially informal character of the school and the private
character of the transmission of knowledge; however,
this seems so only if one compares the Byzantine
educational system to the system of the contemporary
European university. In addition, it is true that (like
books) education still came most easily to those who
were able to pay 3. Nevertheless, it was an important
social advance for the middle classes and provided
them an opportunity to be incorporated into the imperial
or ecclesiastical machine of administration. The
above mentioned school produced a circle of trained
rhetoricians who could be promoted to the different
offices, especially in the Church.
The twelfth century was also very specific in
the sense that the offices of bishops were largely
received and held not by monks, but by the well-
educated clergy of Constantinople. In a way, this
phenomenon was predetermined not only by the
revival of literacy, but also by the peculiarities of
the ecclesiastic development of that time. Monastic
circles, on one side, competed with the capital’s
educated clergy of Hagia Sophia on the other to be
the spiritual leaders of the laity. The scandals that
disrupted the monasteries of Mount Athos during the
reign of Alexios I, causing numbers of Athonites to
drift to Constantinople, created a climate in which the
pretensions of monastic holy men, and the influence
they enjoyed in lay society, tended to be viewed with
suspicion as potentially heterodox [Magdalino 1993,
p. 318]. Many monks were condemned during trials
of heretics. Finally, monks became marginal to the
theological debates of the twelfth century.
At the same time, this suspicion only emphasized
the pastoral authority and social standing of the
3 Although the introduction of schedographia at Orphanotropheion made
education available to the lower social strata.
210
Khvalkov Iev. A. Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium
educated bishops coming from Constantinople. The
patriarchates of John IX Agapetos (1111–1134)
and Leo Stypes (1134–1143) strengthened the
positions of the patriarchal clergy. The focus of
the religiosity shifted from the ideal of individual
salvation, monasticism and mysticism to the sense
of Eucharistic community under the rule of bishops,
which was reflected in the Byzantine church
art (depictions of the Last Supper in the apses;
the scene of the «Three Hierarchs» celebrating
Episcopal wisdom became then quite popular). Art
thus proclaimed the central role of the bishop in a
Christian society by virtue of his mediating role
between Christ and humankind, and the dignity of
the Episcopal service was the issue of the eleventh —
twelfth centuries [Angold 1995, p. 155]. Hence, the
twelfth century became an epoch of the ecclesiastic
domination of the literati, which actually meant
trained rhetoricians. They were the ones who were
appointed bishops and, more importantly, were the
ones who acquired considerable influence over their
flocks, able to speak to the imperial administration on
behalf of their communities.
Though Comnenian bishops were often subjected
to strong pressures, they gradually occupied a central
role in Byzantine society. Sometimes the political
significance of a bishop became really immense.
For instance, the archbishop of Bulgaria was a key
figure of the Byzantine policy of pacifying the local
population there, and virtually a viceroy. Even in more
modest cases, the hierarchs were the essential link
between the local communities and central authority.
In the whole twelfth century, the balance of power
was shifting decisively towards the church [Angold
1995, p. 6]. Comnenian bishops had the advantages
of education, culture, connections with the patriarchal
see and a strong feeling of corporative self-identity,
which is reflected in their correspondence [Angold
1995, p. 156]. Not only did they possess common
background, they also kept in touch and were often
well informed about the news from the capital and
made use of it for their communities.
The revival of Classical learning in the tenth
century seems to have spread to the provinces in the
next two centuries with the diffusion of bishops and
officers educated in the capital. The urban decline of
the previous Dark Ages and, closer to the period in
question, what Warren Treadgold called «Erratic
government» [Traedgold 1997, p. 583] led to the
situation where the bishop and his church were often
all that was left of the civic tradition associated with
polis [Angold 1995, p. 139]. Therefore, in spite of
sometimes-disastrous state of their dioceses, those
bishops could have felt themselves the keepers of
the traditions of antiquity. The education of these
people included reading Classical literature about
ancient cities and their glorious past. Later, having
received official posts and been sent throughout
the empire, they obviously and inevitably faced a
different reality from that they knew from the sources
of antiquity.
Their first reaction to the reality of the
provincial cities was pessimistic. It is reflected in
the «letters from the exile» of the Byzantine bishops.
Margaret Mullett writes that exile often stimulated
Byzantine intellectuals to write letters and that it was
a characteristic theme of the epistolography of the
Comnenian period [Mullett 1995, p. 39–58] 4. Besides
the technical inconveniences and lack of comfort, the
literati, bound to each other by a common education
and personal friendship dating back to their students’
days in the capital, could hardly find the same level
of culture and relevant society in the provinces. Later,
a new discourse of complaining about the miserable
state of once-great cities like Athens was introduced.
However, if the eleventh-century bishops hardly ever
mentioned their cities in their letters 5, the twelfth-
century the bishops were becoming increasingly
aware of their pastoral responsibilities on the one
hand [Angold 1995, p. 8], and showed a growing
local consciousness, engagement with their dioceses,
and care about their communities both in their
letters and in their encomia on the other hand. They
assumed more active role in the lives of their flocks
and became a powerful force in local society in the
course of twelfth century.
This changing attitude was reflected in their
writings (which can be traced only since the twelfth
century). It could be the case that these bishops
and officers began to remind the citizens about
their historical past. This provided rhetoric of
civic patriotism, expressed in encomia, a political
and social language of ancient Hellenism, for the
emerging local communities, revived a city-state
mentality, and presumably provided an ideological
basis for the will of self-government. Moreover,
the clerics educated in Constantinople could still
have seen many of the institutions and customs in
the capital, preserved since Late Antiquity and in
concordance with the image of the ancient polis of
their sources. This could also have contributed to
4 However, this tradition of letters of lamentation from exile or the prov-
inces, written in terms of loss and contrast with the past, existed long
before. There were probably some topoi and even clear patterns both for
the letters from exile and for the responses to them. Probably the letters
of John of Nazianses could be named among the first lamentations about
being sent to an episcopal see. A good example of the early epistologra-
phy of penal exile is the bulk of letters of John Chrysostom to Olympias.
5 For instance, only one of fifty-two letters of Leo, metropolitan of Syna-
da (c. 900 — post 1000), is actually about Synada.
211
Херсонесский сборник. Выпуск 17
their wish to see the same features in the provincial
cities (even if they were lacking there), and promoted
the ideological argumentation and conceptual
framework for the emerging local urban development.
Moreover, besides the cities famous long time before,
there were the ones grown in the Middle Ages (and
sometimes elevated in their rank and had the status of
the metropolitan sees received), and their prosperity
required both legitimization and praising as well 6.
This was not just a process of the growing
local consciousness of bishops or even of
their intellectual influence on the local identity and
their contribution to the ideological revival. Besides
the urban development of the Comnenian period,
a number of factors contributed to the emergence
of revival. There is also evidence of the spread of
literacy itself from the center to the peripheries;
hence, kind of a devolution of the privileged position
of Constantinople in terms of education. Literati
who came to the provinces from the capital began
training people in their dioceses. Bardanes, trained in
Athens by Choniates, is only one example of this
phenomenon. Those educated in the province could
well become suffragan bishops later on. This process
can be in a certain way compared to the establishment
of cathedral schools in the cities of Western Europe.
Undoubtedly, the spread of literacy to the provinces
promoted the rebirth of local ideologies based on
references to history and the further growth of local
consciousness of the urban population.
The cities themselves were not the only object
of the rhetoric praising for the bishops or officers
coming from the capital to the province. Alongside
with the growth of towns, an economic revival, the
growth of newly forming middle classes and the
growth of trade, there was a growth of large estates in
Byzantium. Thus, it was not only the glorious past
of the cities, but also the growing power of the local
dynasts (often originating from the military elite, or
landed gentry, or both) which could become an object
of rhetorical praise [Magdalino 1993, p. 339]. These
dynasts could find support for opposing the central
government through self-identification with ancient
patricians and despots. It is not an easy question to
answer, whether the rise of these elites enhanced
or inhibited the development of the cities; what one
can say for sure is that both phenomena contained
local separatism in embryo.
Magdalino writes that during the period in
question, the role of local archontes rose and they
became used to being looked up to by their inferiors
6 Though Angold claims that the pattern of the bishoprics at the end of
the eleventh century was, at least on paper, much as it had been in late
Antiquity [Angold 1995, p. 139].
as the spokesmen for local interests in the face of the
central government and its often oppressive demands
[Magdalino 1993, p. 152]. It seems that even the
offspring of the families of local gentry who chose
careers at the imperial court began to care more
about the use of their promotion for their provincial
families and local communities (in dealings with tax
officials, etc.). They apparently maintained strong
local roots and often spent their wealth for the benefit
of their hometowns. The cities especially lucky in
this respect were Adrianople, Monemvasia, and
Thessalonica. Therefore, there was probably some
sort of decentralization of the elites as well as an
obvious growth of urban diversity and local urban
consciousness (if it had ever been lost) and self-
identification with the hinterland.
Coming back to the influence of rhetoric on
society, one can summarize that by the twelfth century
the revival of Classical learning and the decline of
trust in monastic authority resulted in appointments
of bishops coming from the middle class, educated in
the schools of the capital and trained in rhetoric.
In the provinces, this newly emerged learned class
spread their understanding of polis and patria,
formed partly based on their educational background,
partly on the urban traditions of Late Antiquity that
they saw preserved in Constantinople. In addition,
Byzantine institutions elsewhere, the ideology,
beliefs, and patterns of behavior were generally laid
down in late antiquity and were highly resistant to
change [Angold 1995, p. 6]. The rhetoric of civic
patriotism reminded the locals about the glorious past
of their cities and created an ideological framework
for urban revival and development. Because of the
dispersion of bishops, not only was the consciousness
of provincial identities promoted, but also a new
generation of the local literati was trained and
educated (although the scale of this phenomenon is
unknown and was presumably not large).
The emerging self-identity of the common
citizens went along with the growing power of the
local elites, who became more oriented to the interests
of their communities. This meant that the provinces
became more and more eager to gain some kind of
autonomy from the «Queen City». In Late Antiquity,
Constantinople was the City par excellence,
competing with Alexandria and Antioch, the ancient
centers of the Eastern Mediterranean. Later, after
the loss of Egypt and Syria, it was second to none
among the urban communities of the Byzantine
Empire. It has been argued that the continuing role
of Constantinople as the New Rome kept alive the
notion of the empire as an association of the cities
tributary to the ruling city, but not integrated with it in
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Khvalkov Iev. A. Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium
a larger unit that transcended them all [Magdalino
1993, p. 153].
There were no urban constitutional governments
parallel to the Italian communes in Byzantium.
In their rhetoric, the bishops sometimes admired
the governmental order of the Latins. However,
in practical life the formation of communes would
have threatened their own authority and that of
the emperor for whom they spoke to their flocks
as often as they spoke up for their flocks to the
emperor. Of all Byzantine dynasties, the Comnenoi
came closest to realizing the Caesaro-papist ideal.
Alexios I Comnenos took the challenge of
the increasing influence of the church and tried to
subject it to the empire, becoming a disciplinarian
figure. Eventually, the growing church influence
only benefited from it, for the church emerged from
Alexios’ reign politically weaker, but institutionally
stronger [Angold 1995, p. 7]. Michael Angold claims
that Comnenian control over the Orthodox Church
was both deceptive and damaging: deceptive because
the church’s institutional strength increased, and
with it its hold over lay society; damaging, because the
church’s leadership was demoralized by subservience
to imperial authority. This subservience, according to
Angold, contributed significantly to the malaise that
characterized Constantinople on the eve of the fourth
crusade [Angold 1995, p. 8]. Thus, the
church found itself in a dilemma: it had the strength
but not the will to assert itself against an imperial
establishment that was in rapid decline by 1180; and
neither side was in position to provide Byzantine
society with a sense of purpose [Angold 1995, p.
138]. Therefore, any attempts to change the political
order to be similar to that of the Western European
communes were condemned as riots and rebellions.
One can say that at least in the mind of ruling
elite Constantinople still retained its unique status,
and the urban revival was disregarded. «The
exclusiveness, with which Constantinopolitans
treated outsiders, was replicated and reciprocated in
good measure by provincials» [Magdalino 1993, p.
153]. Surely, the utmost poverty often provoked the
rebellions or separatism. However, as the experience
of many revolutions and wars for independence
shows, it is rather the growing wealth and the will
to protect new incomes from the parasitic central
power that makes the middle classes rebel. Even if
one cannot see any apparent strong separatism — did
not the events of the 1204 7 happen so easily exactly
because the central role of Constantinople seemed
too burdensome for the growing middle classes
and local rulers of the developing Byzantine urban
communities, while the self-identification was by
that time connected rather with the church, than with
the empire?
7 And later the final fall of the Byzantium in 1453.
lITErATurE:
Angold M. Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081–1261. — Cambridge, 1995.
Dennis G. T. Imperial Panegyric: Rhetoric and Reality // Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204 / ed. H. Maguire. —
Washington, 1997.
Kaldellis A. Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical
Tradition. — Cambridge, 2007.
Magdalino P. The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180. — Cambridge, 1993.
Mullett M. Originality in the Byzantine letter: the case of exile // Originality in Byzantine Literature, Art and Music / ed.
A. R. Littlewood. — Oxford, 1995: 39–58.
Traedgold W. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. — Stanford-California, 1997.
213
Херсонесский сборник. Выпуск 17
ye. Khvalkov
rhETOrIC, EduCATION ANd lOCAl IdENTITy IN 11TH — 13TH CENTurIES’ ByZANTIum
In the twelfth century, rhetoric was one of the
dominant elements of the Byzantine intellectual
culture, and rhetorical education was an important lift
for social mobility. The flourishing of rhetoric was
associated with the social rise of the urban middle
class, and that part of the Byzantine nobility, who was
not connected with the imperial family. Rhetorical
skills ensured promotion and protection on the
service in the government and the church. Education
was a privilege available only to the wealthy
segments of society and provided the opportunity
for career growth. Books have been relatively scarce
and were mostly in private hands. The creation
of the patriarchal schools in Constantinople made
education accessible to a wider public. This period
was characterized by the appointment to bishoprics
not monks, but rather the clergy of the capital, who
received the rhetorical training. The pupils of the
capital’s schools formed a relatively close circle
of intellectuals connected to each other in a personal
network. The growth of significance of the episcopal
authority in the province was followed by the spread
of classical education in the province. Combined with
the revival of interest towards the history of ancient
Greek polis, this process seems to have contributed to
the development of the local urban identity.
Е. А. Хвальков
РИТОРИКА, ОБРАзОВАНИЕ И МЕСТНАЯ ИНДИВИДУАЛЬНОСТЬ В ВИзАНТИИ
В XI–XIII ВВ.
РЕзЮМЕ
В XII в. риторика была одним из доминирую-
щих элементов византийской интеллектуальной
культуры, а риторическое образование — важ-
ным лифтом социальной мобильности. Расцвет
риторики был связан с социальным возвышением
городского среднего класса и той части византий-
ской знати, которая не была связана с импера-
торской семьей. Навыки риторики обеспечивали
продвижение и покровительство на службе в го-
сударственном аппарате и в церкви. Образование
было привилегией, доступной только состоя-
тельным слоям общества и обеспечивавшей воз-
можность карьерного роста. Книги были отно-
сительно редки и находились преимущественно
в частных руках. Создание патриарших школ
в Константинополе сделало образование доступ-
ным более широкому кругу лиц. Для этого перио-
да было характерно назначение на епископские
кафедры не монахов, а столичного духовенства,
получившего риторическую подготовку. Вос-
питанники столичных школ образовывали срав-
нительно узкий круг связанных между собой
интеллектуалов. Рост значения епископской вла-
сти на местах сопровождался распространением
в провинции классического образования. В со-
четании с возрождением интереса к античной
истории греческих полисов, этот процесс по всей
видимости внес вклад в развитие местного город-
ского самосознания.
Є. О. Хвальков
РИТОРИКА, ОСВіТА ТА МіСЦЕВА іДЕНТИЧНіСТЬ У ВізАНТіі У XI–XIII СТ.
РЕзЮМЕ
У XII в. риторика була однією з домінуючих
елементів візантійської інтелектуальної куль-
тури, а риторична освіта — важливим ліфтом
соціальної мобільності. Розквіт риторики був
пов'язаний із соціальним піднесенням міського
середнього класу і тієї частини візантійської
знаті, яка не була пов'язана з імператорською
родиною. Навички риторики забезпечували про-
сування і заступництво на службі в державному
апараті і в церкві. Освіта була привілеєм, до-
ступним тільки заможним верствам суспільства
і забезпечувала можливість кар'єрного росту.
214
Khvalkov Iev. A. Rhetoric, Education and Local Identity in 11th-13th Centuries’ Byzantium
Книги були відносно рідкісні і перебували пере-
важно у приватних руках. Створення патріарших
шкіл у Константинополі зробило освіту доступ-
ною ширшому колу осіб. Для цього періоду ха-
рактерне призначення на єпископські кафедри
не ченців, а столичного духовенства, що отри-
мав риторичну підготовку. Вихованці столич-
них шкіл утворювали порівняно вузьке коло
пов'язаних між собою інтелектуалів. Зростання
значення єпископської влади на місцях супро-
воджувався поширенням в провінції класичної
освіти. У поєднанні з відродженням інтересу
до античної історії грецьких полісів, цей процес
по всій видимості вніс вклад у розвиток місцевого
міського самосвідомості.
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