Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War
This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War. The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff...
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Інститут історії України НАН України
2022
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| Цитувати: | Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War / O. Ivanenko // Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки: міжвід. зб. наук. пр. — 2022. — Вип. 31. — С. 95-111. — Бібліогр.: 9 назв. — англ. |
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Ivanenko, O. 2023-03-28T15:15:53Z 2023-03-28T15:15:53Z 2022 Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War / O. Ivanenko // Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки: міжвід. зб. наук. пр. — 2022. — Вип. 31. — С. 95-111. — Бібліогр.: 9 назв. — англ. 2415-7198 DOI: doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.095 https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/188941 94(4)316.62(=162.1)(477) This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War. The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic peoples’ rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South- Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism, schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863–1864, the guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in particular in Lviv. У цій статті на базі документів фондів Центрального державного історичного архіву України м. Києва висвітлюються особливості громадського життя польської громади Південно-Західного краю Російської імперії напередодні Першої світової війни. Документи Центрального державного історичного архіву України, зокрема офіційне листування Генерального штабу Російської імперії і штабу Київського військового округу, міністерства внутрішніх справ і губернських жандармських управлінь Південно-Західного краю, документи з грифом «цілком таємно» київського охоронного відділення, канцелярії київського, подільського й волинського генерал-губернатора тощо, відображають націленість державних органів Російської імперії на збирання інформації про політичну ситуацію й настрої громадськості в Австро-Угорщині, й насамперед Галичині. Наприкінці ХІХ — на початку ХХ ст. на тлі загострення міждержавного протистояння Австро-Угорщини та Росії актуалізувалася й конкуренція моделей національно-державного будівництва. У самій Австро-Угорщині на початку ХХ ст. зміцнювалася ідея федералізму, трансформації дуалістичної держави в триалістичну як інструменту внутрішньополітичної стабілізації і ширшого забезпечення прав слов’янських народів. І невипадково охоронно-каральні органи Російської імперії фокусували свою увагу на агентурній інформації щодо діяльності Польської соціалістичної партії, створення в Галичині парамілітарних організацій і підготовки антиросійського повстання поляків під час очікуваної війни Росії і Австро-Угорщини. Встановлювався нагляд за польським населенням Південно-Західного краю. Здійснювалися дискримінаційні заходи щодо культурницької діяльності поляків, спрямованої на піднесення національної самосвідомості й патріотизму, утискалося шкільництво й національно-культурні громадські організації, встановлювалося стеження за римо-католицьким духівництвом. en Інститут історії України НАН України Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки Україна в міжнародних відносинах Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War Громадське життя поляків крізь призму наглядової діяльності охоронно-каральних органів Південно-Західного краю Російської імперії напередодні Першої світової війни Article published earlier |
| institution |
Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
| collection |
DSpace DC |
| title |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War |
| spellingShingle |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War Ivanenko, O. Україна в міжнародних відносинах |
| title_short |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War |
| title_full |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War |
| title_fullStr |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War |
| title_sort |
public life of poles through the prism of surveillance by repressive structures of the south-western region of the russian empire on the eve of the first world war |
| author |
Ivanenko, O. |
| author_facet |
Ivanenko, O. |
| topic |
Україна в міжнародних відносинах |
| topic_facet |
Україна в міжнародних відносинах |
| publishDate |
2022 |
| language |
English |
| container_title |
Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки |
| publisher |
Інститут історії України НАН України |
| format |
Article |
| title_alt |
Громадське життя поляків крізь призму наглядової діяльності охоронно-каральних органів Південно-Західного краю Російської імперії напередодні Першої світової війни |
| description |
This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive
of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the
South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War.
The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the
Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western
Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv,
Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate
the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about
the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all
in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an
intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a
competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th
century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the
aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic
peoples’ rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of
the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about
the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary
organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by
the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The
Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory
measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-
Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism,
schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and
monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the
approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863–1864, the
guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to
prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this
symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in
particular in Lviv.
У цій статті на базі документів фондів Центрального державного
історичного архіву України м. Києва висвітлюються особливості громадського життя польської громади Південно-Західного краю Російської
імперії напередодні Першої світової війни. Документи Центрального
державного історичного архіву України, зокрема офіційне листування
Генерального штабу Російської імперії і штабу Київського військового
округу, міністерства внутрішніх справ і губернських жандармських
управлінь Південно-Західного краю, документи з грифом «цілком таємно» київського охоронного відділення, канцелярії київського, подільського й волинського генерал-губернатора тощо, відображають націленість
державних органів Російської імперії на збирання інформації про політичну ситуацію й настрої громадськості в Австро-Угорщині, й насамперед Галичині. Наприкінці ХІХ — на початку ХХ ст. на тлі загострення
міждержавного протистояння Австро-Угорщини та Росії актуалізувалася й конкуренція моделей національно-державного будівництва.
У самій Австро-Угорщині на початку ХХ ст. зміцнювалася ідея федералізму, трансформації дуалістичної держави в триалістичну як інструменту внутрішньополітичної стабілізації і ширшого забезпечення
прав слов’янських народів. І невипадково охоронно-каральні органи Російської імперії фокусували свою увагу на агентурній інформації щодо
діяльності Польської соціалістичної партії, створення в Галичині парамілітарних організацій і підготовки антиросійського повстання поляків під час очікуваної війни Росії і Австро-Угорщини. Встановлювався нагляд
за польським населенням Південно-Західного краю. Здійснювалися дискримінаційні заходи щодо культурницької діяльності поляків, спрямованої на піднесення національної самосвідомості й патріотизму, утискалося
шкільництво й національно-культурні громадські організації, встановлювалося стеження за римо-католицьким духівництвом.
|
| issn |
2415-7198 |
| url |
https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/188941 |
| citation_txt |
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures of the South-Western Region of the Russian Empire on the Eve of the First World War / O. Ivanenko // Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки: міжвід. зб. наук. пр. — 2022. — Вип. 31. — С. 95-111. — Бібліогр.: 9 назв. — англ. |
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2025-11-24T11:48:44Z |
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Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures… 95
DOI: https://doi.org/10.15407/mzu2022.31.095
UDC 94(4)316.62(=162.1)(477)
Oksana Ivanenko
PhD in History, Senior Researcher
Institute of History of Ukraine
the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
4, Mykhailo Hrushevskyi Street, Kyiv, 01001, Ukraine
E-mail: oxana_ivanenko@ukr.net
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6154-0444
ResearcherID Web of Science: AAU-6834-2020
PUBLIC LIFE OF POLES THROUGH THE PRISM
OF SURVEILLANCE BY REPRESSIVE STRUCTURES
OF THE SOUTH�WESTERN REGION OF THE RUSSIAN
EMPIRE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR
This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive
of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the
South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War.
The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the
Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western
Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv,
Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate
the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about
the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all
in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an
intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a
competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th
century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the
aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic
peoples’ rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of
the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about
the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary
organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by
the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The
Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory
measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-
Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism,
© Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки, 2022
Oksana Ivanenko
96
schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and
monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the
approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863–1864, the
guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to
prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this
symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in
particular in Lviv.
Keywords: Poles, Russian Empire, South-Western Region, Austria-
Hungary.
Оксана Іваненко
канд. іст. наук, старш. наук. співроб.
Інститут історії України НАН України
01001, Україна, Київ, вул. Михайла Грушевського, 4
E-mail: oxana_ivanenko@ukr.net
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6154-0444
ResearcherID Web of Science: AAU-6834-2020
ГРОМАДСЬКЕ ЖИТТЯ ПОЛЯКІВ КРІЗЬ ПРИЗМУ
НАГЛЯДОВОЇ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ОХОРОННО�КАРАЛЬНИХ
ОРГАНІВ ПІВДЕННО�ЗАХІДНОГО КРАЮ РОСІЙСЬКОЇ
ІМПЕРІЇ НАПЕРЕДОДНІ ПЕРШОЇ СВІТОВОЇ ВІЙНИ
У цій статті на базі документів фондів Центрального державного
історичного архіву України м. Києва висвітлюються особливості гро-
мадського життя польської громади Південно-Західного краю Російської
імперії напередодні Першої світової війни. Документи Центрального
державного історичного архіву України, зокрема офіційне листування
Генерального штабу Російської імперії і штабу Київського військового
округу, міністерства внутрішніх справ і губернських жандармських
управлінь Південно-Західного краю, документи з грифом «цілком таєм-
но» київського охоронного відділення, канцелярії київського, подільського
й волинського генерал-губернатора тощо, відображають націленість
державних органів Російської імперії на збирання інформації про полі-
тичну ситуацію й настрої громадськості в Австро-Угорщині, й насам-
перед Галичині. Наприкінці ХІХ — на початку ХХ ст. на тлі загострення
міждержавного протистояння Австро-Угорщини та Росії актуалізу-
валася й конкуренція моделей національно-державного будівництва.
У самій Австро-Угорщині на початку ХХ ст. зміцнювалася ідея феде-
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
97
ралізму, трансформації дуалістичної держави в триалістичну як ін-
струменту внутрішньополітичної стабілізації і ширшого забезпечення
прав слов’янських народів. І невипадково охоронно-каральні органи Росій-
ської імперії фокусували свою увагу на агентурній інформації щодо
діяльності Польської соціалістичної партії, створення в Галичині пара-
мілітарних організацій і підготовки антиросійського повстання поляків
під час очікуваної війни Росії і Австро-Угорщини. Встановлювався нагляд
за польським населенням Південно-Західного краю. Здійснювалися дискри-
мінаційні заходи щодо культурницької діяльності поляків, спрямованої на
піднесення національної самосвідомості й патріотизму, утискалося
шкільництво й національно-культурні громадські організації, встановлю-
валося стеження за римо-католицьким духівництвом.
Ключові слова: поляки, Російська імперія, Південно-Західний край,
Австро-Угорщина.
An important component of understanding the role of national liberation
movements in the history of the Central-Eastern Europe is the disclosure of the
Polish issue significance, which, as a result of the three divisions of Poland
(1772, 1793, 1795), attracted attention of the international public and European
diplomacy, reflecting the specifics of the national policy of Prussia, Austria
and Russia, which divided the lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
among themselves. At the same time, the historical memory, a system of values
based on the basic concept of honor, political culture and statesmanship
traditions of the Poles were the determining factors of their national liberation
struggle during the 19thl century, the rise of which was embodied in the
November Uprising of 1830–1831, the Krakow Uprising of 1846, the
“Springtime of Nations” events in 1848–1849, the January Uprising of 1863–
1864. In the historical context of the cultural and civilizational confrontation of
various models of multinational states in the territories that covered, in
particular, Ukrainian, Belarusian and Lithuanian lands, the national-state
traditions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were supplanted by the
Russian imperial project. Until the early 20th century, the political insti-
tutionalization of the Polish national liberation movement took place, and
resistance to the Russification policy intensified. In 1905, the Kingdom of
Poland became the epicenter of revolutionary events. J.-K. Piłsudski, who
governed the formation of combat units of the Polish Socialist Party, saw its
ultimate goal in the restoration of Poland’s independence through an armed
uprising, counting on the unleashing of war between the Russian Empire and
Austria-Hungary.
In the context of a deeper understanding of the role of national factor in
deepening the systemic crisis of international relations on the eve of the First
Oksana Ivanenko
98
World War, studies of the influence of inter-ethnic interaction and conflicts on
the internal political situation and foreign policy of large supranational state
entities are taking on increasing importance1. In terms of modern histo-
riography, the socio-political activity of the Poles in Dnipro Ukraine in the
ХІХ and early ХХ centuries was studied, in particular, in the works by
S. Bazhenova, L. Bazhenov, O. Bilobrovets, O. Buravskyi, O. Kalakura,
M. Korzeniowski, I. Lisevich, S. Oliper2. The purpose of this paper is to
highlight the features of the public life of the Polish community in the South-
Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War based
on documents from the funds of the Central State Historical Archive of
Ukraine in Kyiv: “Kyiv Provincial Gendarmerie Administration” (f. 274),
“Kyiv Guard Department” (f. 275), “South-Western District Guard Depart-
ment” (f. 276), “Kovel Department of the Kyiv Gendarmerie Police De-
partment of Railways” (f. 281), “Gendarmerie Institutions of the Podillya
Province” (f. 301), “Assistant Head of the Volyn Provincial Gendarmerie
Administration in Novohrad-Volyn, Ostroh and Izyaslav Districts” (f. 1262),
“Assistant Head of the Volyn Provincial Gendarmerie Administration in Lutsk,
Kovel and Volodymyr-Volyn Districts” (f. 1600).
On March 31, 1910, the Main Directorate of the General Staff of the
Russian Empire sent a letter to the headquarters of the Kyiv Military District
emphasizing the need to establish supervision over the activities of the Union
of Active Struggle, founded in early 1909 in Galicia at the initiative of the
Polish Socialist Party. This official letter marked “Confidential” was sup-
plemented with the statute of the Union, according to which its mission was to
prepare the uprising of the Poles in the Russian Empire with the subsequent set
up of the Independent Democratic Republic. The desire was proclaimed to
build an independent, democratic, republican Polish state and implement social
reforms that would guarantee all citizens of the country the right to work and
“daily bread”. The Union was founded as a military organization on the
principles of centralization, strict discipline in rearing Polish rebels, con-
spiracies, self-abnegation, and maintenance of high morale. It was to become
an auxiliary military structure of the Polish Socialist Party. The Council was
the highest governing body of the Union of Active Struggle, which elected four
members of the Staff. The latter also included a representative of the
Headquarters of the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party. The
members of this organization undertook to unquestioningly carry out the orders
of their direct leadership, to adhere to the full conspiracy, to promote the ideas
of the Union in order to attract new members, to be punctual, to pay
organizational contributions3. According to the General Staff, the goal of the
Union was “to train organizers and instructors capable of leading rebel gangs
during a general uprising of the Poles, in the event of a war between Russia and
Austria-Hungary”4.
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
99
In 1910, the Ministry of Internal Affairs sent a confidential circular letter to
the heads of provincial gendarmerie departments, gendarmerie police depart-
ments of railways, and secret guard departments, which discussed the deve-
lopment by the Polish Socialist Party of special tactics to achieve its goal —
gain Polish independence using the weapon. In order to achieve this goal, it
was envisaged to promote hatred of tsarism and the idea of restoring Poland’s
independence among the military, as well as to promote the organization of
secret groups in the army, the distribution of anti-government literature, and
cooperation with the Russian revolutionary organizations. The Central Com-
mittee of the Polish Socialist Party issued proclamations. The party’s tasks also
included the collection of intelligence information on the deployment of
Russian troops, their structure and command structure. Thus, according to the
Ministry of Internal Affairs, instructor schools were founded, which taught
military art.
In 1910, Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General F. F. Trepov issued
an order to establish the supervision of large Polish landowners in the South-
Western Region by the Kyiv Guard Department on the basis of a copy of the
appeal by the First Conspiratorial Polish Congress in Krakow to Austrian
Emperor Franz Joseph (March 1909) presented by the headquarters of the Kyiv
Military District5. The appeal, signed by 42 people, emphasized that the
political circumstances and geographical location of the Austrian and Russian
empires made armed clashes between these states possible. The desire for the
independence of the Polish people was nurtured in every Pole from the cradle
in the conditions of severe oppression of national feelings by the Russian
Empire, and at the same time, the awareness of the former glory and greatness
of Poland was transferred from generation to generation. “The Polish
community, which now willingly serves the purposes of the Austrian go-
vernment,” the appeal stated, “authorized us, the representatives of the oldest
Polish families gathered in Krakow, to present to the Throne of Your Majesty
the readiness of a reasonable part of the Polish population to faithfully serve
the Austrian government and provide the detachments of organized rebels in
case of war, as well as assist with monetary contributions to the state fund”6. In
general, the Poles asked to send persons who could direct the actions of the
rebels, hand over arms and ammunition and, on the condition of victory, grant
“the oppressed people within the bounds of the mighty Austrian Empire some
possible independence”.
Memo to the Governor-General of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn, marked
“personal; strictly confidential” dated July 9, 1910, sets forth the findings of
the investigations carried out by the guard and punitive authorities. This
document referred to the spread of rumors in Warsaw, according to which the
existing aggravation of tensions in Russian-Austrian relations did not turn into
Oksana Ivanenko
100
war solely due to the peace-loving policy of Franz Joseph. At the same time,
the memo emphasized that the goal of the Poles was to annex the South-
Western Region (or at least part of it) to Austria through a rebellion. The
following plan was to contribute to its implementation: preparation of the
population in large Polish estates for the uprising through covert propaganda
and the organization of partisan units; the involvement of Austrian weapons
and military instructors who would come from Austria-Hungary and live in
local estates under the guise of agricultural servants, housekeepers, etc. In this
way, an entire army was to be formed, which in the event of a Russian-
Austrian war would carry out a Polish uprising with the aim of joining the
South-Western region to Austria with the rights of autonomy. And the memo
presented the spread of a network of illegal national unions, groups, societies,
and organizations like “Osviata” in the South-Western Region as the tool to
implement this goal. It was primarily about patriotic education, cultivation of
the “national spirit”. The Union of Agricultural Employees in Kyiv (which
numbered more than 10,000 members) was considered as the organizational
center of the future uprising, led by instructors — the Austrian Poles. With
reference to the documents of the Austro-Hungarian consulate in Kyiv, the
memo referred to the presence of several hundred Austrian soldiers in large
Polish estates in the Podillya and Volyn provinces, as well as the possession of
some weapons by the Poles.
Against the background of opposition to the Polish national liberation
movement, the focus of attention of the guard and punitive authorities was on
the religious and educational activities of the Poles. In 1910, Kyiv Guard
Department recorded the activities of two secret nunneries in Kyiv that trained
national Polish teachers devoted to the “cause of the liberation of Poland.” One
of these nunneries was located in Kyiv at the corner of Predslavynska and
Politseiska streets, where children’s shelter and school operated. Nearby, on
Politseiska street there was a shelter for elderly women at the nunnery, and also
a school for boys. The financial support of these institutions was provided by
the Polish Roman Catholic Charitable Society. The second Catholic nunnery
was located near the St. Michael’s Monastery, and its manor had access to
Triokhsviatytelska Street. There was a sewing workshop at the nunnery7.
Kyiv Guard Department coordinated its actions with the Podillya Provin-
cial Gendarmerie Administration, providing it with information in 1911 about
the prominent place in the Polish movement the Union of Landowners of the
Podillya Province: “This organization is a center of all the activities of the
Poles aimed at the liberation of Poland; its representatives attended “the mee-
ting in Kraków in 1909, which developed the terms of union with Austria”8.
In 1911, the Kyiv Guard Department received intelligence information
about “Kresovtsi” organization of the Poles in the South-Western Region,
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
101
Vilnius, Kovno and Grodno provinces, united on the basis of a common
national and political program with the aim of strengthening the national spirit,
restoring Poland, and obtaining its full state independence in the future. It was
planned to use legal pretexts to implement the tasks of the organization, such as
congresses of agricultural employees, cooperative societies, pension funds,
etc9.
Throughout 1912, the Kyiv Gendarmerie Police Department accumulated
intelligence information labeled “top secret” about spread of propaganda
among sugar industry workers concerning “...assistance to Austrian troops in
the event of their invasion of Russia, for which Austria will allegedly restore
Poland and Little Russia (intelligence information dated November 25 under
No. 33)”10. In general, the net of agents reported the high spirits of the Polish
population against the background of rumors about a possible Russo-Austrian
war, spread by the Poles visiting Austria-Hungary. At the same time, intel-
ligence information was sent about the preparation of the Poles in the territory
of Austria-Hungary for the insurrectionary movement and accelerating the
Sokol Detachments, which were allegedly armed by the Austrian government.
The attention of the provincial gendarmerie departments of the South-
Western Region was drawn to the activities of the commission in 1912 in Lviv
for the preparation of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Polish
Uprising 1863–1864. According to the program of solemn events, it was
foreseen:
January 19, 1913 — public readings in the town hall, premises of the
university and national organizations;
January 20 — event at the literary and artistic club;
January 21 — the annual general meeting of the participants of the
uprising;
January 22 — announcement of a national holiday throughout Poland;
funeral service in Lviv, gathering at the graves of the participants of the
uprising at the Lychakivskyi Cemetery; collection of donations to the fund of
the participants of the uprising, initiated by the rector of the Higher Polytechnic
School in Lviv, E. Hausvald; public readings on the topic of the January
Uprising with the involvement of the broad masses of workers and peasants of
Galicia11.
At the same time, the punitive authorities of the Russian Empire took
measures to prevent the celebration of the anniversary of the January Uprising
by the Polish population of the South-Western Region. Police supervision of
the Roman Catholic clergy, churches, public readings, and the mood of the
Polish population was established. All these measures were aimed at coun-
teracting the strengthening of protest sentiments of the Poles in Pryvislianskyi,
South-Western and partly North-Western regions, the catalyst of which was the
Oksana Ivanenko
102
approach of the anniversary of the January Uprising against the background of
the aggravation of tensions in Russian-Austrian relations. The national libe-
ration aspirations of Polish revolutionary circles were connected with “...hope
for an armed clash between Russia and Austria in the near future and for the
Poles to use this clash for the purpose of restoring Poland’s independence...”12.
In 1912, Military Minister of the Russian Empire V.O. Sukhomlinov raised
with the Ministry of Internal Affairs the issue of taking measures to eliminate
all Polish revolutionary organizations in the Pryvislianskyi and South-Western
regions that were conducting combat training in anticipation of the Russo-
Austrian war; banning the distribution of proclamations calling for insurrection
and the spread of arms among the Polish population. Emphasis was placed on
the “criminal military activity” of the Polish Socialist Party and the Union of
Active Struggle in the Pryvislianskyi Region and the danger of its spread (in
the event of a Russian-Austrian war) to the territories of the South-Western
Region bordering Galicia13. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, together with the
leadership of the Kyiv, Podillya, and Volyn Governorate General, decided to
immediately liquidate all Polish revolutionary organizations in the South-
Western Region and prevent their preparation for combat activities. Accor-
dingly, the police chiefs of the Kyiv province received a secret order to combat
the “elements hostile to our State” by increasing surveillance over the attitudes,
lifestyle, and relationships of the Polish population, and above all, the Austrian
nationals arriving to the empire. In order to fulfill the above-mentioned order,
the relevant tasks were assigned to the agents of the Kyiv Provincial Gen-
darmerie, which were supposed to oppose Polish agitation among the peasantry
and the distribution of propaganda literature published abroad. As a result of
the involvement of information collected by the county police chiefs, it became
clear that the Polish landowners of the Umanskyi, Zvenyhorodskyi, Lypo-
vetskyi, and partially Radomyslskyi counties “...are very hostile towards
Russia, so in the event of a declaration of war, they will probably provide the
enemy with informational services...”14 According to this information, no
formation of rebel units, accumulation of weapons, and distribution of illegal
literature in the Kyiv province were detected.
On the other hand, in a confidential report dated December 25, 1912, the
Dubno police chief informed the leadership of the Volyn Provincial Gen-
darmerie Administration of information received from abroad about the
formation of special combat units in Austria-Hungary made of Polish young
men who studied military art under the leadership of Austrian officers and, in
particular, took a course combat shooting, armed with the most advanced rifles.
According to this informant, the task of the combat units was to penetrate the
territory of the Russian Empire in order to raise a Polish armed rebellion
against the background of the approach of the 50th anniversary of the 1863–
1864 Polish Uprising.
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
103
The Ministry of Internal Affairs kept under personal control the issue of
preparation of the Poles to celebrate the anniversary of the January Uprising,
emphasizing the desire of Polish revolutionary circles to use the probable
military clash between Russia and Austria-Hungary with the aim of “restoring
the independence of Poland” and emphasizing the danger of strengthening anti-
Russian sentiments among the Polish population of the Pryvislianskyi and
South-Western region. Accordingly, the Kyiv Guard Department and the Kyiv
Gendarmerie Police Department of Railways were assigned the task of coun-
teracting possible Polish protests against the background of the approaching
anniversary of the January Uprising, to report in a timely manner on the mood
of the Polish population and clergy, their attitude towards the Russians, on any
manifestations of Poles’ preparation for the anniversary celebration of
rebellion15.
Information was received from the police department of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs of the Russian Empire regarding the holding of a congress of
the Union of Independence (Unja Niepodległościowej) in Paris at the end of
1912, which chose “a free human in a free Poland” as its slogan. The congress
was attended by delegates from many Western European cities, as well as from
St. Petersburg and Warsaw. In the reports delivered at the congress, the idea
was substantiated of Poland gaining freedom through an uprising against the
background of the exacerbation of the Russian-Austrian conflict. The impor-
tance was voiced of military training and propaganda among peasants and
workers of the idea of an uprising.
In 1913, the leadership of the Kyiv Guard Department provided the
Podillya Provincial Gendarmerie Administration with information about the
activities of the Polish Revival League with the participation of the Poles
(primarily aristocracy and clergy) from Austria-Hungary, Germany, and
Russia. It was noted that the activities of the League were primarily aimed at
the Keletsk, Volyn and Podillya provinces bordering Austria-Hungary and
aimed at attracting the Ukrainian population of Volyn and Podillya to its side16.
At the same time, the office of the Podillya Gendarmerie Department received
secret intelligence information that “...the general trend of the intelligent part of
the Polish population [...] clearly manifests itself in a strong desire to be under
the power of Austria, not Russia”17. The clearest manifestations of such
sentiments were reported among the Poles of Zhmerynka, and the Polish
landowners who lived on the outskirts of the city “...openly declared their
sympathy for the Austrian government, motivating their attraction to this
government by the legal orders prevailing there, regardless of nationality;
individuals were convinced that not only the Poles, but also everyone in
general would live much better under the Austrian rule, therefore they did not
consider the possibility of a war between Russia and Austria as unfavorable for
themselves”18.
Oksana Ivanenko
104
On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising, the
population of Austria-Hungary, and Galicia in particular, collected funds to
support the national liberation struggle of the Poles against Russia. For this
purpose, special postage stamps were issued, which were also addressed to the
Polish population of the Russian Empire. The agents of the provincial
gendarmerie departments of the South-Western Region were tasked with
countering the sending of exhibits by local residents to the “Exhibition of
1863” in Lviv. The exhibition on the history of the Polish national liberation
uprising was divided into historical and literary sections, the work of which
was to be accompanied by the reading of essays19.
Deputy Minister of Interior of the Russian Empire V.F. Dzhunkovskyi
ordered to take “decisive measures” to prevent the distribution of postcards
with the image of Wodzinskyi’s painting “Veterans’ Mass”, which were sent
from Krakow and dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising20.
25% of the profits from sale of postcards were intended to support the “Asylum
of Veterans of the Polish Uprising 1863” in Krakow. In particular, the Podillya
Provincial Gendarmerie Department was tasked with countering the distri-
bution of postcards, the danger of which the guard and punitive authorities saw
as aimed at inciting anti-government sentiments among the Poles and material
support for the “descendants of the Polish Uprising”21.
During 1913, priests Tokarzhevskyi and Ruzynskyi were supervised by the
guard and punitive authorities in Iziaslavl. They were accused of having a
hostile attitude towards Russia and everything Russian, and allocating large
sums of money to Austria to support the political goals of the Polish national
movement. The students of Kyiv, who were preparing for the production of the
play “Warshavianka” in the “Ognyvo” club, were also monitored.
In general, until 1912, there was no permanent Polish troupe in the Kyiv
Polish public gathering “Ognyvo” at 1 Khreshchatyk Street. Later, the Society
of Stage Lovers invited a permanent Polish troupe to “Ognyvo”, allocating
2,000 rubles per month for its maintenance. It was entrusted with the task of
consolidating the Polish population of Kyiv and promoting Polish national
ideals. In 1913, the troupe was forbidden to include the plays “Bethlehem” and
“Warshavianka” in its repertoire. The guard and punitive authorities considered
the play “Bethlehem” as the most trending in the context of the promotion of
the Polish national idea. The plot of this play was focused on the historical fate
of the Poles within Austria, Prussia and Russia as a result of the three divisions
of Poland (1772, 1793, 1795). Among the main actors, Oleksandr II was the
most cruel tyrant and despot, the national policy of the Russian Empire,
including the Russification of education, was especially criticized. The secret
materials received by the office of the Kyiv Guard Department emphasized, in
particular, that the play “Bethlehem” contains “... propaganda in favor of
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
105
Austria in the words of Franz Joseph, who defended the Poles”22. Despite the
ban on productions of “Warshavianka” in Kyiv, the Volyn provincial
gendarmerie received intelligence information marked “top secret” about the
plans of the Polish population to present this play on the Zhytomyr stage.
Despite the fact that during 1913, the guard and punitive authorities did not
discover specific facts on anti-government activities by the Board members of
the Polish Society of Art Lovers, suspicions were not removed from it on the
basis that “...all existing Polish scientific, sports, educational, etc. associations
have a tendentious separatist flavoring”23. The aim of the society was to
inculcate and develop the cult of art among the population of Kyiv and the
Kyiv region. Society programme included public and private dramatic
performances in Polish; musical and vocal events; public readings and
recitations; exhibitions and competitions; family and children’s literary events
and holidays, etc.24 The representatives of different states and nationalities
could become members of the society.
The libraries founded in Kyiv by “Polonia” and “Corporation” organi-
zations were subjected to searches, which discovered banned books published
in Lviv and Krakow, aimed at awakening the national feelings of the Poles and
mobilizing their struggle for the independence of Poland. In particular, Mr.
Milkowsky’s book “A Word About Active Defense in the People’s Fund”
(Krakow, 1910) said that in the event of a possible war between Russia and
several states, the Poles should remember about active defense so that the
Russian administration in the Warsaw Military District and the Warsaw
General-Governorship always felt the danger and instability of its power. The
work by Mr. Studnytskyi “Against the Flow” (Krakow, 1910) emphasized that
“...in the event of an Austro-Russian war, the Poles cannot choose whom to
sympathize with...” The brochure “In Hour of Need” (Warsaw, 1912) talked
about the oppression by the Russian government during the founding of
various unions and societies, which brought the issue of creating a secret party
into the spotlight. At the same time, during a search in the editorial office of
the “Dziennik Kijowski” newspaper, they found the manuscript “Ordon
Redoubt” with a description of the bloody battle, which contained the
following lines: “where is the King? — The strong autocratic king sits in his
distant capital, everyone fears him and obeys him, only Warsaw is not afraid of
your power, raises its hand against you and pulls the crown of the brave
Casimirs from your head, which you stole and stained with blood”25.
The Poles who carried out educational activities and founded schools for
Polish children were persecuted. Thus, in February 1913, in the village of
Makarivska Buda of the Kyiv district, where F.F. Montytskyi, the burgher from
Vasylkov, was instructing, a secret Polish school with 24 students was
discovered. The library of the “Ognyvo” club in Kyiv was searched.
Oksana Ivanenko
106
On March 21, 1913, a secret Polish school was discovered in Uman, in the
house of the abbot of the Uman church, priest V. Przysetskyi, operating under
the cover of the so-called “Christian Laundry” for 10 years. The school was
managed by K.L. Kostrzhenska, a German citizen, originally from Poznan,
who also instructed and was assisted by five assistants — mostly natives of the
Kingdom of Poland. At the time of search, there were 12 girls aged 15–19 of
Polish nationality from Kyiv and Podillya provinces. During school search,
46 Polish textbooks, 100 books of religious content in the Polish language, and
52 Polish-language books on history, literature, and journalism were seized.
A fine of 300 rubles was imposed on priest Przysetskyi, who provided pre-
mises for the school for free. Kostrzhenska was prosecuted under Art. 1051
Penalty provisions26.
In November 1913, the leadership of the Kyiv Provincial Gendarmerie
Department prepared a report on the Society for Equality of Polish Women.
It operated legally and was located in Kyiv at the address: 21 Prorizna Str.,
apt. 1, and cooperated with the Roman Catholic Charitable Society and the
Society of Juvenile Prisons. The Society members were women from wealthy,
and in particular aristocratic, families who provided substantial monetary
support to cultural events aimed at strengthening the Polish national spirit.
Special attention was paid to the patriotic and religious education of children,
the establishment of secret Polish schools in the villages, the campaign for the
construction of new Kyiv churches and schools. After arrest in 1912 of the
Polish “Corporation” society library, which was located in K. Charnetska’s
apartment, at the address 36 Nesterivska Str., all periodicals she subscribed to
were sent to the Society for the Equality of Polish Women. The society
supported the activity of secret female nunneries in Kyiv and the Polish
canteen at 26 Fundukleievska Str. (attended mainly by female students and
students of women’s courses). Political gatherings were held in the dining
room, and Polish landlords sent food for free, which allowed minimizing the
price of dinners27.
In general, the following reports regarding Polish national movement were
submitted to the Police Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the
Russian Empire from the Kyiv Provincial Gendarmerie: “On the Polish
National Society of Youth in the City of Kyiv “Polonia”, “On the Corporation
of Students of Higher Education Institutions in Kyiv”, “On progressive-
independent academic organization in Kyiv “Filaretsia”, “On the “Central
Bureau” of Polish student organizations in Russia”, “On the “Society of
Fraternal Aid of Polish Students”, “On “Economic Commission” of the Kyiv
Commercial Institute, “On Kyiv Polish “Ognyvo” club”, “On “Polish Theater”
in the city of Kyiv in “Ognyvo” club.
In 1913, the Kyiv Guard Department received classified information about
the organization among the Poles who studied in educational institutions of
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
107
Kyiv, a group of rebels who, with the beginning of the Russo-Austrian war,
were to go to Austria-Hungary and join the formations of the Polish “Sokols”
being created there. One of the organizers of the group was a student of the
Kyiv Commercial Institute M.A. Grodzsky, who lived at 132 Zhylianska Str.28
The observations in “Ognysko” club received by the leadership of the Kyiv
educational district on November 26, 1913 from “Bulba” agent, recorded the
conversations between club members regarding arrival of a man from Austria-
Hungary who reported on Austria’s readiness for war with Russia and on the
confidence the Austrian Poles had in the support from the Russian Poles and
victory in the war, “...which will give Austria the entire Polish-Lithuanian
Territory, and force Russia to retreat beyond the Dnipro”29. The secret agent’s
reports also mentioned the ”Ognysko” library, which funds began forming at
the end of 1912 with Polish and French literature. There were no Russian
books in the library; there were discussions about the feasibility of subscribing
to Russian periodicals and allowing Russians to attend lectures in the club.
In 1913, the leadership of the Kyiv provincial gendarmerie received
information that political life in the Volyn, partially Podillya, and Lublin
provinces was “at the level of calm expectation.” The attention of the Polish
population was focused on rumors of a possible Russian-Austrian military
conflict, and at the same time, the Poles associated their dreams of national
liberation with Austria — “... the separation of the South-Western region from
the Russian Empire and its inclusion into Austria, where the Poles, enjoying
complete autonomy of power, would like to arrange their little Kingdom under
the scepter of the Habsburgs”30. The gendarmerie recorded the lack of incli-
nation to decisive action among small landowners, poor nobles and workers,
and at the same time, a rapid rise in the wave of their resistance to Russian
power and struggle for their national rights was predicted in the event of the
Russian-Austrian war. It was also reported about the organization of combat
detachments in Galicia, who learned military art from Austrian officers with
government support. “Bartash’s Detachments” were formed out of peasants,
“Kilinskyi’s Detachments” — out of craftsmen, and rifle companies under the
Sokol societies were formed out of the intelligentsia. The total number of these
formations reached 40–50 thousand people; they were located in Silesia and
Galicia. The role of periodicals, primarily those of Krakow and Lviv, was
emphasized in revitalizing Polish national life in Galicia, where appeals were
spread and money was collected for the “people’s fund”. In order to raise the
patriotic spirit of the youth, photos of combat detachments were placed in the
columns of the “News” magazine.
Secret information about the activities of the “Bartash’s Detachments” in
Galicia also reached the Volyn provincial gendarmerie. According to it, the
Poles aged 16–20, who were trained by Austrian officers as part of the non-
Oksana Ivanenko
108
commissioned officer program, were included in detachments. The number of
one detachment was at least 2 000 people. These formations were supposed to
appear under Austrian flags during the Russian-Austrian war31.
The secret correspondence of the head of the Volyn provincial gendarmerie
department with the assistant in Rivne and other districts dated January 13,
1913, talked about the formation of combat units on the territory of Austria out
of the Poles who studies in the educational institutions. It was noted that under
the guidance of officers, they underwent a serious course of combat training
using advanced rifles. These units were assigned the task of raising a Polish
armed uprising against Russia during the Russo-Austrian war. Accordingly,
surveillance of the Polish population was established in the Volyn province
with the aim of detecting and countering anti-Russian attitudes. Subsequently,
in a letter dated January 19, 1913, the leadership of the Volyn provincial
gendarmerie, referring to the chief of the Volochysk branch of the Kyiv
Gendarmerie Police Department of Railways, reported on the spread of rumors
among the workers of the Hvyvensk Sugar Factory that “...in the event of war
between Austria and Russia, they will provide assistance to the Austrian
troops, for that Austria allegedly promises to restore Poland and Little
Russia”32. And the next day (January 20), the head of the Volyn provincial
gendarmerie issued an order to “increase supervision over activities of
Ukrainophiles” because, according to the Romanian press, on November 29,
1913, in Lviv, the National Ukrainian Committee decided to express a protest
against the persecution of Ukrainians in Russia and propaganda Russian agents
in Galicia, and also to fight against Russia in the event of a Russian-Austrian
war33.
The head of the Kyiv Guard Department informed in his secret report,
dated January 13, 1913, the leadership of the Kyiv provincial gendarmerie
about a meeting in Mr. Ratkovskyi’s house in Lviv, where a decision was made
to raise an uprising in the Kingdom of Poland in the event of a Russian-
Austrian war.
In 1913, the Volyn provincial gendarmerie received information about the
announcement in Lviv of an appeal to the Austrian Poles about the “unification
of Poland” and anti-Russian speeches by a native of Warsaw, a former member
of the III State Duma, R. Dmovskyi.
According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, part of the members of the
“National Workers’ Union” launched the “People’s Peasant Union”, which
declared its goal to restore the Kingdom of Poland through an uprising and
issued two proclamations in the Polish language. The Police Department of the
Ministry of Internal Affairs declared the “People’s Peasant Union” a revo-
lutionary organization, especially dangerous in the context of the worsening of
Russian-Austrian relations and against the background of the hope of Polish
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
109
revolutionaries to use the probable armed conflict between Russia and Austria-
Hungary to raise an uprising and restore the independence of Poland. In the
letter from the Ministry of Internal Affairs with “top secret” seal dated
November 11, 1913, the leadership of the Kyiv provincial gendarmerie was
instructed to take measures to destroy the activity of the Union “at its very
origin”34.
Therefore, the documents of the Central State Historical Archive of
Ukraine, in particular the official correspondence of the General Staff of the
Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and provincial gendarmerie departments of the South-Western
Region, documents marked “top secret” by the Kyiv Guard Department, the
Office of the Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, etc., reflect the
focus of the state bodies of the Russian Empire on gathering information about
the political situation and public sentiment on the eve of the First World War in
Austria-Hungary, and primarily in Galicia. After all, the Austro-Prussian War
of 1866, in which Austria was defeated, pushed the Austrian government from
1867 to move to social and political transformations aimed at balancing the
interests of various national and cultural communities, the prerequisites for
which were created as a result of the “Springtime of Nations” in 1848–1849. In
the dualistic Austro-Hungarian monarchy established in 1867, the December
Constitution enshrined basic civil liberties, the equality of all citizens before
the law, the rights of the peoples of the empire to develop their own cultures, to
use their languages in the field of education, state institutions, and public and
political activities. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the
backdrop of an intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary
and Russia, a competition of state building models became more active.
Austria-Hungary itself, in the early 20th century, strengthened the idea of
federalism, the transformation of a dualistic state into a trialistic one as a tool
of internal political stabilization and broader provision of the rights of the
Slavic peoples. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of
the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about
the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary
organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by the
Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary.
Supervision was established over the Polish population of the South-Western
region, for example over large landowners — due to an appeal of the First
Conspiratorial Polish Congress in Krakow to Franz Joseph I with the assurance
of the readiness of the Poles to faithfully serve the Austrian government and to
field rebel units in the event of the Russian-Austrian war. Discriminatory
measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-
Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism,
Oksana Ivanenko
110
schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and
monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the
approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863–1864, the
guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to
prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this
symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in
particular in Lviv.
—————
1 Див., напр.: Віднянський С.В. Перша світова війна, проблеми національного дер-
жавотворення в Центрально-Східній Європі та українське питання. Україна в історії
Європи ХІХ — початку ХХ ст.: історичні нариси. Київ, 2020. С. 270–312.
2 Баженова С., Баженов Л., Оліпер С. На пограниччі культур. Культурне і громад-
сько-політичне життя польського населення Правобережної України у XIX — на
початку XX ст. Кам’янець-Подільський, 2020; Білобровець О. Суспільно-політичний рух
поляків Правобережної України у 1863–1914 рр.: автореф. дис. … канд. іст. наук. Київ,
2006; Буравський О. Поляки Волині у другій половині ХІХ — на початку ХХ ст.
Житомир, 2004; Калакура О. Поляки в етнополітичних процесах на землях України у ХХ
столітті. Київ: Знання України, 2007; Коженьовський М. За Золотими ворітьми. Суспіль-
но-культурна діяльність поляків у Києві в 1905–1920 роках. Київ: ДУХ І ЛІТЕРА, 2015;
Лісевич І. У затінку двоглавого орла (польська національна меншина на Наддніпрян-
ській Україні у другій половині ХІХ ст. — на початку ХХ ст.). Київ, 1993; Лісевич І.
Духовно спраглі (духовне життя польської національної меншини на Наддніпрянській
Україні в 1864–1917 рр.). Київ, 1997; Оліпер С. Громадсько-політичне життя польської
меншини Правобережної України 90-х рр. ХІХ ст. — на початку ХХ ст.: автореф. дис. …
канд. іст. наук. Кам’янець-Подільський, 2016.
3 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 275. Оп. 1. Спр. 2189. Арк. 2–7.
4 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 275. Оп. 1. Спр. 2189. Арк. 3.
5 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 275. Оп. 1. Спр. 2189. Арк. 10.
6 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 275. Оп. 1. Спр. 2189. Арк. 11.
7 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 275. Оп. 1. Спр. 1988. Арк. 448.
8 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 4 зв.
9 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 6 зв.
10 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 41.
11 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 44.
12 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 47.
13 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 276. Оп. 1. Спр. 402. Арк. 1.
14 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 276. Оп. 1. Спр. 402. Арк. 4.
15 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 281. Оп. 1. Спр. 511. Арк. 137.
16 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 52; Ф. 301. Оп. 1. Спр. 3167. Арк. 17.
17 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 1. Спр. 3167. Арк. 38.
18 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 1. Спр. 3167. Арк. 38–38 зв.
19 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 1262. Оп. 2. Спр. 44. Арк. 53–53 зв.; Ф. 301. Оп. 2Е. Спр. 420.
Арк. 173 зв.
20 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2. Спр. 332. Арк. 77.
21 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 301. Оп. 2Е. Спр. 421. Арк. 267–267 зв.
Public Life of Poles Through the Prism of Surveillance by Repressive Structures…
111
22 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 4. Спр. 206. Арк. 4.
23 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 4. Спр. 205. Арк. 32.
24 Ustawa Kijowskiego Polskiego Towarzystwa Miłošników Sztuki. Kijów, 1907. S. 3–4.
25 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 1. Спр. 3136. Арк. 14.
26 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 1. Спр. 3136. Арк. 123–124.
27 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 5. Спр. 14. Арк. 43–43 зв.
28 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 5. Спр. 14. Арк. 5–5 зв.
29 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 1. Спр. 3136. Арк. 35.
30 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 1. Спр. 3136. Арк. 64.
31 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 1600. Оп. 1. Спр. 441.
32 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 1600. Оп. 1. Спр. 441. Арк. 118.
33 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 1600. Оп. 1. Спр. 441. Арк. 128.
34 ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 1. Спр. 3136. Арк. 104; ЦДІАК України. Ф. 274. Оп. 5.
Спр. 14. Арк. 2.
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