Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC)
In the article the author investigates the Scythian funerary practices in the Northern Azov region, focusing on the role of food offerings and animal sacrifice. In the study the relationship between food remains in personal burial spaces and communal feasting at the burial mound surface are hig...
Saved in:
| Published in: | Археологія |
|---|---|
| Date: | 2023 |
| Main Author: | |
| Format: | Article |
| Language: | English |
| Published: |
Інститут археології НАН України
2023
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/199548 |
| Tags: |
Add Tag
No Tags, Be the first to tag this record!
|
| Journal Title: | Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
| Cite this: | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) / A.D. Demina // Археологія. — 2023. — № 2. — С. 30-45. — Бібліогр.: 45 назв. — англ. |
Institution
Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine| _version_ | 1859482486968418304 |
|---|---|
| author | Demina, A.D. |
| author_facet | Demina, A.D. |
| citation_txt | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) / A.D. Demina // Археологія. — 2023. — № 2. — С. 30-45. — Бібліогр.: 45 назв. — англ. |
| collection | DSpace DC |
| container_title | Археологія |
| description | In the article the author investigates the Scythian funerary
practices in the Northern Azov region, focusing on
the role of food offerings and animal sacrifice. In the
study the relationship between food remains in personal
burial spaces and communal feasting at the burial
mound surface are highlighted.
Стаття розглядає роль поховального бенкету, жертвоприношення тварин і супровідної їжі у скіфському поховальному
обряді. У ній аналізується, яким чином поширення і характер розташування решток тварин та інвентаря, пов’язаного зі
споживанням їжі, сприяло трансляції соціальних норм під час поховальної церемонії. Окремо обговорюється значення
різних видів тварин, передусім коней, у ритуалі жертвоприношення. Географічні межі пам’яток, що складають основу
аналізу, охоплюють Північне Приазов’я, між Присивашшям на заході та басейном р. Кальміус на сході. Хронологічні
межі дослідження охоплюють другу половину V—IV ст. до н. е. База даних пам’яток охоплює як кургани, споруджені у
скіфський час, так і впускні скіфські поховання в курганах доби бронзи, а також непоховальні пам’ятки зі слідами ритуальних дій. Проведений аналіз виявив закономірності за кількісними, а також якісними показниками: різним способом
сервірування та розташування страв, які пов’язані із соціальними, гендерними, географічними і хронологічними чинниками. Індивідуальний простір поховання, пов’язаний із супровідною їжею, демонструє відмінності у стандартизації, які
корелюють не лише з багатством поховання та ймовірним соціальним статусом небіжчика, але й між статтю та кількістю
похованих осіб. Інша ситуація спостерігається на поверхні кургану, місцем проведення тризни та поховального бенкету
спільноти. На відміну від решток тварин у похованні, де преференція певних видів тварин не спостерігається (з кількісним
переважанням дрібної рогатої худоби), коні були обов’язковим елементом тризни. Особливу увагу заслуговує тенденція
розташування голів коней поблизу широтних перемичок у кільцевих ровиках. Ґрунтуючись на цих спостереженнях та
етнографічних матеріалах, можна припускати, що вибір коней для ритуальних жертвоприношень обґрунтовувався не
тим, що вони були поширеною їжею під час поховального бенкету, а навпаки, їх споживання в цьому контексті було
можливе тільки тому, що саме коні були основною твариною, яка могла виконувати жертовну роль.
|
| first_indexed | 2025-11-24T15:07:10Z |
| format | Article |
| fulltext |
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 230
© A. D. DEMINA* 2023
FUNERAL MEAL IN SCYTHIAN BURIAL RITE (CASE STUDY OF
NORTHERN AZOV REGION, 5TH AND 4TH CENTURIES BC)
https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2023.02.030УДК: [904.5:393.5](477.7)”-4/-3”
In the article the author investigates the Scythian funer-
ary practices in the Northern Azov region, focusing on
the role of food offerings and animal sacrifice. In the
study the relationship between food remains in person-
al burial spaces and communal feasting at the burial
mound surface are highlighted.
K e y w o r d s: Northern Azov region, burial feast,
Scythians, burial mounds, animal sacrifice.
Introduction
In the foundational study of the anthropology
of food Deciphering a Meal M. Douglas exam-
ines how taking and sharing a meal communicates
a broader system of cultural meanings (Douglas
2002, p. 240). Like language, food is a tool for
conveying certain messages, which can be found
in a system of recurring analogies, as each indi-
vidual case is a social event that reflects the struc-
ture of the phenomenon in general. Partaking in
a meal shows unity and connection between rela-
tives, friends and guests, while sharing food with
outsiders can be considered as a violation of so-
cial boundaries (Douglas 2002, p. 236). Reinforc-
ing and confirmation of social ties appears to be
especially important in funeral circumstances. The
ambivalent attachment of the living and the dead,
described by B. Malinowski, often results in a se-
ries of initiation ceremonies aiming to simultane-
ously break and strengthen their relationship (Rob-
ben 2004, p. 2; Malinowski 2004, p. 20-21). In the
variety of these rituals, the food plays a major role
through the transformation, caring, and creation of
a memory (Cann 2018, p. 4-8).
Although there is a lack of direct ethnographic
analogies to the Iranian nomadic burial mound tra-
ditions, Scythian art as well as Herodotus’ records
indicates that food and wine consumption was the
emerging topic in their culture and religion. For
instance, the ritual of “fraternisation” depicted on
famous golden plaques from the Kul-Oba burial
mound required drinking wine from the same ves-
sel. Notably, Herodotus’ description of Scythian
burial rites involves food consumption and animal
sacrifice on multiple occasions. Before the funeral,
the body of the dead should have been presented
to the kindred and served with the same dishes as
the alive participants of the ceremony. Following
a year after the deceased was buried, particularly
the chief’s one, the horses along with the servants
were supposed to be slaughtered and put up around
the mound (Herod. IV, 71-73).
In the current research it is examined how the
arrangement of food in the burial mound could
also communicate the social norms as well as indi-
cate different liminal points of the Scythian funer-
al ceremony. Using the case study of the Scythian
sites in the Northern and North-Western Azov re-
gion, the patterns of food assemblage and place-
ment regarding the burial mound are explored and
compared:
• individual space which contained the re-
mains of the food offerings typically placed
together with the body of the deceased
along with their personal belongings;
• communal space of the tryzna which asso-
ciates with the findings on the surface and
the periphery.
According to the parts of the ritual mentioned
above, the role of horses as sacrificial animals in
the context of the funeral meal is also analysed.
Sites overview
In the current research 204 Scythian burials
(136 barrows) in the North ern Azov region (Prya-
zovia) are examined (fig. 1). The analysis includes
both the burial mounds, built in Scythian time, as
well as the secondary burials in the Bronze Age
barrows since the rites related to the food con-
sumption and the construction of peripheral archi-
tectural elements, particularly the circular ditch-
es, have been observed for all cases (fig. 2). The
groups of sites are primarily concentrated in the
* DEMINA Alisa Dmytrivna — Research Assistant, the
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”, the
Department of Archaeology, ORCID: 0000-0002-6954-
4802, alisa.demina@ukma.edu.ua
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 31
4th c. BC
5th c. BC
6th—5th c. BC
Uncertain chronology
0 50 km
Sea of Azov
Fig. 1. The map of the Scythian sites in the Northern Azov region
lower streams of large rivers. The most numerous
and well-documented necropoleis were discovered
in the basins of the Molochna River and Utliuk es-
tuary. Small clusters of Scythian burial mounds are
located at the mouths of the Korsak, Obitochna,
and Berda rivers. Farther east, the current research
area is limited to a group of barrows in the Kalmi-
us River basin. The western boundary of the stud-
ied area is the Kherson Syvash region, where bar-
rows had been built mostly at the edge of the sea-
shore and near the temporary lakes in the absence
of natural permanent rivers.
The chronology of the Pryazovia sites is main-
ly limited to the second half of the 5th and 4th cen-
turies BC. A few Scythian burials that possibly
belonged to the 6th century (Kostiantynivka 2/3,
Novooleksiivka 17, Novopylypivka 17/9, and No-
haisk 3) were located in the Bronze age barrows.
The first group of Scythian burial mounds ap-
peared at the Eastern fringe, in the Kalmius and
Obitochna areas. However, later in the 4th century
the number of sites there had become significant-
ly lesser, compared to the North-Western region.
Excavations of the Scythian burial mounds in
the Pryazovia have started in the late 19th centu-
ry, but their results were generally poorly docu-
mented and published with the exceptions for the
richer complexes such as Shulhivka. The majori-
ty of the sites, analysed in the study, were investi-
gated in the second half of the 20th century during
the construction of irrigation systems to the west
of Molochna River. While a significant amount
of data has been gathered over several decades
of field research, allowing better understanding
of the region beyond the wealthiest complexes,
the quality of documentation significantly var-
ies between different groups of sites. Given that
the burial mound is also particularly prone to de-
struction 1, the lack of reported findings on the
surface, especially animal bones, rarely can con-
fidently infer the ‘evidence of absence’. Never-
theless, the chronological and cultural proximity
of the sites in the current subset allows plausible
reasoning about the general trends in the Scythi-
an Pryazovia.
1 The embankments of the richest burial mounds in Pryazovia,
Melitopol and Berdiansk, were significantly damaged by
urban development and unprofessional excavations even
before the official research has begun (Terenozhkin 1955,
p. 23; Cherednichenko, Murzin 1996, p. 69)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 232
Food offerings
Offering food to the deceased, along with other
burial inventory, is often seen as a way to demon-
strate care for them during their journey to the af-
terlife (Cann 2018, p. 55). This gift-giving practice
is a fundamental principle of the legal and econom-
ic systems typical for pre-modern societies (Mauss
1990), and may be particularly significant in the
context of funerals (Geary 1995, p. 78). Inheritance
of property, such as livestock or land for nomadic
cultures, required the restoration of balance and the
social bonds. This was achieved through giving bur-
ial offerings, as well as the barrow itself, in return.
The process of animal sacrifice and object destruc-
tion had transformed their value so much that they,
particularly their absence, themselves became the
embodied memories (Rowlands 1993, p. 146-147).
The focus of these practices therefore was the trans-
mission of cultural norms and reestablishing of so-
cial order within the community. While still could
be integral to a personhood and individuality as a
possession or gifts, burial sacrifices also served to
construct the memory for the alive participants.
The inventory associated with the food offer-
ings are found in the burials of individuals of all
biological sexes, ages, and wealth which shows
that the idea behind the ritual was essentially egal-
itarian. However, the specific ways of serving and
arranging the meal were more diverse. In order to
identify potential patterns, the placement of ani-
mal bones along with the particular items that were
associated with the food, primarily knives, wood-
en dishes and cauldrons, were examined.
Animal bones were observed in 47 % of the
burials (52 % of the barrows). This percentage
remained consistent across central and peripher-
al burials. Although the number of horse bones
found in the grave together with knives or remains
of a dish was high, the ratio was substantially
dominated by sheep and goats. The percentage of
cattle was significantly lower. It should be noted,
however, that at some sites, particularly where re-
mains were scarce, differentiation between horse
and cattle bones was not possible. The remains
of cattle have not been recorded at any 5th-centu-
ry sites in the Azov region, which indicates that it
did not play an important role in the burial ritu-
Co
un
t
Mound’s Age
Bronze Scythian
120 -
100 -
80 -
60 -
40 -
20 -
0 -
18
39
66
104
Fig. 2. The distribution of food-associated findings and the total number of the Bronze Age burial mounds with secondary
Scythian burials and Scythian barrows
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 33
al at that period of time. In the Mariupol 6 buri-
al mound, the remains of a hearth with eggshells
and oyster shells were found in the burial pit. Re-
mains of several species were present in 26 % of
the burials, primarily at wealthier sites. In Berdi-
ansk, Melitopol, and Shulhivka not only multiple
species (horses, cattle, sheep/goats) were present,
but also the number of individuals was much high-
er than average.
At the sites where bone types were recorded, the
front part of the skeleton was predominant among
all animals. Ribs, limbs, and vertebrae were the
most commonly found bones for horses, where-
as sheep were often found with complete remains.
For cattle, scapulae and femurs were the most fre-
quently encountered, but the limbs and ribs were
also present. The bones showed no signs of cal-
cification or cooking, suggesting that they were
placed in the burials immediately after slaughter.
In several burials (10 %), some of which were
completely destroyed, remains of foodware were
observed while the animal bones were absent. It is
plausible that this practice was more widespread
than documented, as animal bones may not have
been adequately recorded. Alternatively, it is pos-
sible that specific food-related items were utilised
as a symbolic substitute for animal sacrifice in sit-
uations of limited resources.
Iron knives with a curved spine, typically fea-
turing a bone or wooden handle, were discovered
in 36 % of the burials. Meanwhile, wooden dish-
es were uncommon, with only 11 cases identi-
fied, their presence could be inferred through the
discovery of metal details. It is likely that wood-
en tableware was present in at least 14 % of the
burials. Among burials with at least one of these
types of inventory, knives and dishes were found
together in 15 % of cases. Although cauldrons
were infrequently discovered in Pryazovian buri-
als, their presence could sometimes be identified
through copper oxides on animal bones. As such,
they were present in at least 10 % of the burials.
Cauldrons were more commonly found in ‘chiefly’
burials alongside other warrior attributes, mainly
swords and armour. However, they were also pres-
ent in burials like Berdiansk eastern grave (EG),
Vovchanske 8/2, and Melitopol northern catacomb
(NC), which were characterised by ‘female’ in-
ventory. Nonetheless, these burials were located at
the periphery of the barrows, and none of the cen-
tral female burials contained cauldrons. The ma-
jority of findings were presented by various types
of bronze cauldrons, including those with vertical
handles (Melitopol NC, Dvohorba 2, Vovchanske
8/2), horizontal handles (Berdiansk southern grave
(SG)), and vertical and horizontal handles (Berd-
iansk SG, Dolynske 3/2). The only iron item was
discovered in Mariupol 6 burial mound (Пиневич
1927, с. 11). Cauldrons often showed signs of us-
age in fire and were occasionally repaired.
0 40 cm
0 1 m
A
B
Fig. 3. The chambered burial of a woman with weapons, Akkermen 16/2 (after: Фиалко 2012, с. 44)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 234
The majority of food offerings (58 %) were
found behind the head of the buried individu-
al, near the wall, or in one of the corners (fig. 3).
In some cases, it was located near the legs or on
the sides of the deceased, with a preference for
the right side near the shoulder or knee. Although
there was no significant correlation between oste-
ological sex and food placement, gender as iden-
tified by burial assemblage may provide a better
indicator of a potential connection. To mitigate
the impact of chronological and territorial factors,
only burials from the Molochna River region were
analysed. Among 29 burials, where the position of
the body and the location of food (primarily with
knives) were recorded, all except one one item of
food placement near the legs or sides of the body
were associated with the ‘female’ equipment such
as mirrors, weaving details and jewellery (fig. 4).
The exception was Nove 5/1 burial, which had an
exclusive warrior inventory, however, it was iden-
tified as a female by skeletal remains. In the Yaky-
mivka 11/3 burial, which consisted of a male and
female couple, bones of a horse with a knife in a
wooden dish were found near the head, while a
cauldron with remains of a sheep was found near
the feet. These patterns suggest a dynamics not
dissimilar to the one observed in pluralisation of
gendered pronouns when single male burials differ
from female and paired burials (fig. 5). It is also
observed in different details of the funerary rite,
particularly the orientation of the buried people.
However, these arrangement patterns appear
to be specific for the Molochna River region. The
majority of the 5th-century Scythian burials in the
Kalmius area were built in pits (fig. 6). In such
cases, the food was usually stored in the dedicated
niche. In the chambered Shevchenko 3 burial, the
skeletons of horses were located near the entrance
of the chamber. However, the bones in the latter
should rather be considered not as part of a meal,
but as accompanying horse burial. This is support-
ed by the fact that, unlike the others, there were the
remains of a complete animal without a knife, but
with fragments of a deliberately damaged bridle
0 40 cm
A
B
C
D
A
B
C D
Fig. 4. The chambered burial of a couple, Podove 3/2 (after: Кубышев 1977)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 35
(Зарайская, Привалов 1992, с. 147). A different
situation from Molochna picture emerges in this
region in the two 4th-century burials with remains
of food offerings. In the male burial of Biloiariv-
ka 5/12, the bones of a sheep with a knife were
found near deceased's feet.. The authors of the re-
search suggest that this feature may be attribut-
ed to the Sarmatian influence (Зарайская 1991,
с. 93). In the Khomush-Oba burial, the femurs,
shoulder blades, and vertebrae with ribs of a cow
on a wooden platter were also placed near the legs,
while a tarpan femur with a knife was located near
the head (Кравец 1992, с. 170).
Although precise osteological analyses for the
Pryazovian complexes have not been published2,
preliminary observations align with the assump-
tion that Scythian burial rites closely linked food
and status. According to M. van der Veen, the pres-
tige of a meal can be expressed in quality and the
quantity of food, where the latter is more typical
for less hierarchical societies (Van Der Veen 2003,
p. 412). Even though cattle were more likely to
be found in Scythian barrows along with a great-
er variety of animal remains, which suggests it
was viewed as a more luxurious animal, the gener-
al quantity of food, regardless of the species, may
be a better indication of the buried individual’s
wealth. However, the differences in the meals were
2 More detailed information about the osteological remains of
the animals in the Pontic region was provided for the Chor-
tomlyk burial mound group (Zhuravlev 1991, p. 347-364).
also manifested in the way animals were stored.
Primarily, a cauldron filled with meat, as opposed
to the more common wooden bowl with a knife,
could indicate a different practice of distribution
and consumption of food, and therefore the per-
son’s social status.
Wine drinking
The prevalence and arrangement of vessels
used for storing and drinking wine show more dis-
tinct chronological differences compared to food.
During the 6th and 5th centuries in Pryazovia, the
number of imported vessels was relatively low.
The only remains that constituted the complete am-
phora are recorded in the Nohaisk 6 burial mound.
A few amphora fragments have been found in the
filling of Sheliuhy 8/4 and Mariupol 6/1 burials. In
the latter, they were also located near the legs of
the deceased. Imported drinking vessels are even
rarer, with gray-clay cups found in the Vovchan-
ske 8/1 and Shevchenko 10/1 burials. In addition,
in the Vovchanske burial, a red-clay lekythos was
also discovered (Полин 2014, с. 228), which is a
unique finding in the Pryazovia. A bronze table-
ware set, comprising a ladle and sieve, was found
in a niche with food remains in the Shevchenko
g.2 1/1 burial. These vessels are suggested to be
more often found in the contact centres with Greek
colonies (Ромашко, Скорий 2010, с. 84); howev-
er, contrary to the majority of similar cases, no am-
phorae were recorded in the mentioned burial.
Inventory
female male mixed
P
o
si
ti
o
n
h
ea
d
o
th
er
5
4
14
1
3
2
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
Fig. 5. The correlation matrix between the inventory type/gender and the position of the food offerings in the grave
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 236
Conversely, golden-decorated wooden cups
were recorded in four cases among the 5th century
burials, which is significant given the overall scar-
city of these vessels and shows a higher prevalence
during this period. Later, they were discovered only
in the central burials of the largest burial mounds in
the region. Along with other wooden vessels, the
prevalence of simpler types that did not have any
metal details on them cannot be accurately traced.
However, in the 4th century BC the golden-decorat-
ed ceremonial cups concentrated primarily in the
chiefly Scythian burials of the Pontic steppe (Сай
2013, с. 34-35). In this regard the Homer’s descrip-
tion of the cup of Achilles, who among other Greek
heroes was particularly popular among the Scythi-
ans as evidenced by his iconography in local toreu-
tics, appears to be insightful:
“Inside this lay a wrought goblet, nor did any other
man drink the shining wine from it nor did Achilleus
pour from it to any other god, but only Zeus father.
He took this now out of the chest, and cleaned it
with sulphur
first, and afterwards washed it out in bright-run-
ning water,
and washed his own hands, and poured shining
wine into the goblet
and stood in his middle forecourt and prayed, and
poured the wine”
(Illiad 16. 260)3
The focus on using personal cups for wine
drinking also stands in contrast to the use of com-
munal vessels. According to J. Griffin, the men-
tions of golden cups in the Iliad indicate the piv-
otal moments of special emotional expression for
the hero, and their appearance emphasises the
importance of the occasion (Griffin 1980, p. 17-
18). Their significance in Scythian burial ceremo-
ny is recounted by Herodotus, who distinguish-
es the placing of the golden cups in the burials of
the kings “for silver they do not use at all, nor yet
bronze” (Herod. IV, 71)4.
In the 4th century BC imported vessels became
more common in the burial inventory of Pryazo-
via. The amount of burials with any type of Greek
pottery among the chronologically identified sites
is 41 %. Although, this number is biased, consid-
ering that the dating has often been done according
to these vessels, therefore the proportion accord-
ing to all burials in the sample that have not been
3 Translation by R. Lattimore.
4 Translation by G. C. Macaulay.
dated earlier than the 4th century (16 %) is proba-
bly closer to reality.
More cases with the findings of intact/complete
amphorae are recorded for the above-mentioned
period. Their number is particularly high in the
wealthiest barrows in both Molochna and Kalmi-
us regions. Catacomb no. 4 in Dvohorba Mohyla
burial mound contained 19 Heracleian amphorae,
Berdiansk central grave (CG) — 20 biconical Tha-
sos amphorae and Melitopol — 11 red-figure Men-
dean amphorae. The traces of wine have been re-
corded in the amphorae from the Berdiansk barrow
(Болтрик, Фиалко, Чередниченко 1994, с. 144)
which shows that these vessels have been deposit-
ed filled with the drink. Wine-drinking Greek cups
are mostly represented by black-glazed kantharos
and kylikes.
Metal tableware is still found comparative-
ly rare. The majority of intact items belonged to
the different types of kylikes and cups. In Meli-
topol NC the handles and the leg of a silver kylix
were found on the left of the deceased’s head. A
set of a silver kylix and a cup are recorded together
with food assemblages on the right side of the bur-
ied people. The largest assortment of metal drink-
ing utensils comes from Berdiansk EG. A silver
kylix, a bronze loutherion, an oenochoe and a han-
dle of an unidentified vessel were located by the
southern wall of the catacomb next to the entrance
near the accompanying teenage buried person.
The Berdiansk burial mound is especially in-
teresting as it shows the relatively well-preserved
wealthy burial complex. Particularly noteworthy is
that the space between the meal and wine assem-
blages was divided into separate chambers. The
southern grave contained two cauldrons filled with
animal bones, while amphorae, five red-figure
and black-glazed scyphoi, three golden-decorat-
ed wooden cups along with the red-figure krater 5,
which is one of the most rare and prestigious ta-
bleware items in the Pontic region (Фіалко 2001,
с. 86), were in the central grave together with the
buried person. These items were located by the
southern wall near the body of the ‘cupbearer’
with a wooden flute (Чередніченко, Мурзін 1996,
с. 71). Such assortment of the vessels for storing,
diluting and drinking wine along with their sepa-
ration from the food indicates their value not only
as a possession of luxury gifts, but also as an adop-
tion of Greek cultural practices of wine consump-
5 The second krater in Pryazovia is found in the Taschenak
barrow. Unfortunately, this item is fragmented and lacks
the location context.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 37
tion. Some variations of symposium rituals are
well-known in societies having close contacts with
the Mediterranean centres (Craven 2002, p. 118-
139). For Scythian regional chiefs the participation
in the similar feasts could be considered as impor-
tant status events, establishing close ties with the
Greek aristocracy.
Contrary to the food arrangement, the serving
of wine drinking vessels clearly exhibits the qual-
itative difference between customs, therefore pos-
sible difference in lifestyles. In the 4th century BC,
the groups of Scythians that preferred to drink in a
Greek way were distinguished particularly among
the wealthiest burial mounds. This shows that the
feast was used to display the status of the buried
person with the focus on exclusivity and cultural
connections.
Tryzna
The term “tryzna” derives from the Slavic fu-
neral tradition of commemorating the deceased,
which usually involved a variety of commensal
practices. In the context of archaeology, it gen-
erally refers to any ritual activity associated with
the surface of a burial mound. However, it should
not always be used interchangeably with the term
“burial feast.” While the latter was a significant
event during tryzna, it was not the only activity
that constituted the remains on the site.
In Pryazovia area, tryzna-associated remains
were recorded in 55 Scythian sites, which accounts
for more than one-third of the total sample. Consid-
ering that the surface findings are more susceptible
to destruction, this number undoubtedly indicates
a high degree of prevalence of this funeral prac-
tice. The distribution of findings on the barrows
with primary and only secondary Scythian burials
appears to be even across the sites of both types. As
such, it is reasonable to assume that the funeral cer-
emony concluded with it, even if a new mound had
not been constructed (although the symbolic addi-
tion of a new layer could also have taken place).
The most common traces of the tryzna ritual are
ashes and charcoal from the fireplace, fragments
of amphorae, and animal bones. Imported pottery
is rarely deposited in the complete form, and in
most cases, only single amphora sherds are found
in the mounds. A few cases have been reported in
which the remains found at the site with the tryz-
na constitute a complete vessel. Among these, the
Heraclean amphorae were found in the mounds
A
B
40 cm0
DC
BA
D
C
Fig. 6. The burial in a pit, Shevchenko 10/1 (after: Зарайская, Привалов 1992, с. 127)
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 238
of Nove 6, Volodymyrivka 1, and Kremenivka 7
sites. In the latter two, they were accompanied by
Soloha type amphorae. At the bottom of the ditch
of Novomykolaivka 11 barrow, 250 sherds (walls
along with 4 handles, 4 neck fragments, and 3 feet)
of red-clay amphorae were discovered. Other
types of Greek pottery, such as a black-glazed ky-
lix from the Ohrimivka 4 barrow (Полин 2014,
с. 401), have been found less frequently. The quan-
tity and condition of the amphorae remnants sug-
gest that wine drinking or libation rites could in-
volve the breaking of these vessels.
In ten barrows (7 %) the ditches contained stone
plates and grinder stones together with animal
bones and ceramics. Metal objects are less com-
mon. In a few cases single bronze arrowheads were
deposited in the ditches alongside animal bones.
Horse bridles in the tryzna context have been
found only at the richer complexes (Taschenak,
Perederieva Mohyla) and at Kremenivka site. Oth-
er rare, but notable objects that could belong to
the concluding stage of the funeral ceremony are
the golden bucket-shaped vessels, also known as
large golden cones or large ‘cord stoppers’ (vor-
vorkas). Such terminological disambiguation is
unsurprising as their function has long been debat-
ed among the researchers (Болтрик 1996, c. 104-
109; Алексеев 2003, с. 214-218; Мурзин 2018,
с. 131-136; Гуляев 2019, с. 172-184). In Pryazo-
via, only two examples of these objects have been
found. The first is the well-known decorated ‘hel-
met’ from Perederieva Mohyla’s krepis. Another
one, smaller golden cone was found in the central
burial of the Sheliuhy 8 burial mound. In the lat-
ter case, it was deposited under the eelgrass floor-
ing, 1 m from the centre of the mound. One of the
latest hypotheses attributed these objects to a can-
nabis-smoking device. According to Yu. V. Bol-
tryk 6, they could be used to enhance the warrior
spirit before the battle. However, the fact that they
were often located not in the grave with the per-
sonal belongings, but on the barrow’s surface sug-
gests that they were more likely used during some
form of communal funeral ceremony. Unfortu-
nately, the only laboratory analysis results that al-
legedly confirmed the presence of opioid and can-
nabis traces on the golden cones comes from the
Sengileevskoe 2 burial mound, which has not been
published yet.
6 Presented in a speech at the Conference “Archaeological
studies: Achievements and Prospects 2023”, National
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”, Kyiv
Similar to the food offerings in the burial, the
most common traces of the tryzna rituals are ani-
mal bones. However, the observations of the bar-
row’s surface reveal a different scenario. The pre-
dominance of horse skulls, mandibular bones, and
teeth in the burial mound ditches suggests a delib-
erate selection of these animals, particularly their
heads. In isolated cases, dogs/wolves, boars, and
birds were also present.
The animal remains, which likely included meat
consumption, were more commonly observed in
‘Princely’ barrows. Unfortunately, the mounds of
the richest burial mounds in Pryazovia were not
sufficiently preserved to conduct a quantitative in-
vestigation. Nonetheless, the general tendency in
the Pontic region suggests a strong correlation be-
tween the wealth of the complex and the scale of
the funeral feast. For instance, the animal bones
found in the Oleksandropil burial mound were
particularly diverse, containing at least 71 horses,
16 cows, as well as sheep, goats, pigs, dogs, and,
notably, deer 7. Different parts of all animal skele-
tons were present (Журавлев 2018, с. 688).
The analysis of the distribution of animal re-
mains within the burial structures revealed a statis-
tically significant relationship between the animal
species and their location (χ² = 45.8, p = 3.7e-08)
(fig. 7). It should be noted that skeletal remains
from only six burial mound necropoleis (Yakymi-
vka, Vovchanske, Volodymyrivka, Syvaske, Dany-
lo-Ivanivka, Akkermen) and three large barrows,
Melitopol, Shulhivka, Berdiansk, had zooarchae-
ological identifications (Секерская 1984, с. 101-
102; Журавлев 1988). Since the number of ob-
servations in the field reports is limited, additional
data had been gathered from reports and publica-
tions in which the minimum number of detected
individuals was indicated (e.g., by the number of
skulls) to confirm the statistical results.
The location of the findings indicates the signif-
icant role of the ditch and particularly its breaks,
which were typically symmetrically arranged
on the eastern and western sectors of the burial
mound periphery. Among all sites where findings
were discovered on the surface, they were found in
the filling of the ditch in 72 % cases. However, it
is possible that the better preservation of artefacts
in the ditch explains this pattern. This factor is also
relevant when examining barrows surrounded by
krepis. In these barrows, food remains and sacri-
7 The actual number of animals at the surface was probably
lesser as the osteological material was counted for a whole
complex.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 39
ficial items were often traced under the founda-
tion of a stone wall, which reliably protected them
from external influences.
Placing ritual meal remnants near the ditch
breaks is a typical feature for the Scythian burial
sites and is related to the symbolism of the ditch
as a border between the world of the living and
the dead, united at the rips (Ольховский 1991,
с. 176). Elaborating this metaphor, the connec-
tion between the ditch and the tryzna is better un-
derstandable in the context of the ‘liminal triad’
(Gennep, Vizedon, Caffee 1960, p. 11; Robben
2004, p. 213-223). The time of the barrow con-
struction was sacred for the participants. Both the
deceased, who had to be prepared for the after-
life, and the community itself were undergoing a
transitional stage. Herodotus’ mention of the ritu-
al purification that took place after the comple-
tion of the mound (Herod. IV, 73) illustrates this
point. The funeral feast celebrated the end of the
transformative phase and the transition to the in-
corporation phase, which marked the establish-
ment of a new state of affairs and a return to the
normal course of life. Thus, the barrow ditch sig-
nified not only a spatial boundary, but also a tem-
poral one.
External tryzna complexes
In a few instances, a burial mound and a tryz-
na formed a pair complex which consisted of two
barrow-like encircled structures. The Shevchenko
10 burial mound (5th century BC) is a particular ex-
ample of this type of site. During the investigation,
a nearby mound had also been examined. Although
there were no signs of the burial, the mound was
surrounded by a circular ditch with two latitudinal
rips. Fragments of a small Scythian vessel orna-
mented with vertical incisions were discovered in
the north-western sector of the ditch. Additionally,
traces of charcoal were observed in the opposite
south-western part of the circle. A. Moruzhenko,
in the field report of this site excavation, suggest-
ed that this mound was likely part of a single com-
plex with the Shevchenko 10 barrow, based on the
location of the site and the absence of the grave
(Моруженко и др. 1981, с. 38). However, this in-
formation was not mentioned in the later publica-
tion of the site.
Yakymivka 7 and 8 are another possible paired
ritual sites. These mounds were located near each
other, with a distance of only 40 m, and were sit-
uated on the periphery of the Scythian barrow
group. Both mounds were surrounded by a ditch
of a similar diameter, but no graves have been
found within them. On the surface of the mound
no. 7, multiple clusters of ashes and charcoal were
observed, along with ceramic sherds from at least
two Scythian vessels. In addition, a fragment of
an amphora foot was found in one of the ash clus-
ters, which gives the date of the complex between
the late 5th to the 4th centuries BC. The ditch of the
mound no. 8 contained animal bone fragments, but
no other objects were discovered. The close prox-
imity of these sites and their similar size consid-
er a possible connection between them. The pres-
ence of ritual artefacts and burnt offerings suggest
that Yakymivka 7 and 8 may have been used for
ceremonial purposes (Болтрик и др. 1985, с. 23-
24). The discovery of the Sarmatian pottery in both
above-mentioned cases is also noteworthy, as it in-
dicates that a variety of nomadic people could use
these sites as places of worship over an extended
period.
Kremenivka site has drawn the most significant
attention among other similar complexes. Excavat-
ed by the Donetsk expedition led by S. N. Bratch-
enko in 1977, the site’s interpretation has become
a subject of multiple discussions among the re-
searchers ever since. While the mound no. 5 was
a stone-made oval platform with a few amphora
fragments beneath it, most findings came from the
adjacent site no. 7. According to the field report, it
was surrounded by a granite cromlech with breaks
in the southern and northern sectors (Братченко и
др. 1977, с. 25-27). However, subsequent research
has suggested that it was more likely a remnant of
a stone krepis that survived after plowing on the
Table 1. The number of sites with animal bones by location in the burial mound
Animal Mound Ditch Ditch breaks Burial pit Burial chamber
Unspecified 3 12 6 10 19
Cattle 0 1 0 3 16
Sheep/Goat 2 1 0 4 26
Horse 10 9 6 11 18
Total 15 23 12 28 79
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 240
periphery (Гершкович, Ромашко 2013, с. 63-64;
Полин 2014, с. 599). The central-northern sector
of the site yielded animal bones, at least nine am-
phorae, a black-glazed Attic bowl, local ceram-
ics, a bronze cauldron, a mirror, and a horse bri-
dle head plate. S. V. Polin and Ye. G. Karnaukh
consider Kremenivka an example of barrow-tryz-
na complexes, albeit an exceptional one due to the
cyclopean stone construction of the mound. Based
on their dating of the amphorae, they argue that
these sites were synchronous and reflected a sin-
gle-act ritual event (Полин, Карнаух 2012, с. 116;
Полин 2014, с. 590-599). S. V. Polin also insists
that the majority of the Scythian ritual monuments
across the Pontic steppe area represent a one-time
episode that took place immediately after the bur-
ial. Therefore, Herodotus’ recounting of repeated
commemorative feasting remains without support
of archaeological evidence (Полин 2014, с. 594).
At the same time Ya. P. Hershkovych and
O. V. Romashko proposed another hypothesis
about the Kremenivka complex, suggesting that it
was a sanctuary of Ares. They argue that the stone
platform functioned as an altar, while the nearby
site no. 7 was a votive spot, explaining why the ma-
jority of findings were located there. Their chron-
ological identifications suggest long-term activi-
ty of the site until the beginning of the 3rd centu-
ry BC (Гершкович, Ромашко 2013, с. 70). While
its resemblance to Herodotus’ description of the
Scythian warrior-god cult is rather questionable,
the unique combination of architecture and assem-
blage, as well as the geographical isolation of the
monument distinguish it from typical Scythian fu-
nerary complexes.
While the evidence of paired complexes is rare
in Pryazovia, observations in the broader Pontic
region suggest the existence of at least two types
of sites: burial mounds with external tryznas and
non-burial paired complexes. Although the main
difference between these types is the absence of a
grave in the latter, both typically have similar cir-
cular enclosures. Animal sacrifice and ritual meals
were also key events in the formation of all bar-
row-like sites.
The sacrifice of horses
Animal bones are often the only preserved re-
mains of the Scythian funerary meals, which em-
phasise the fundamental importance of animals in
the subsistence of pastoralist societies. The resto-
ration of balance that happened during the rites of
passage required animal sacrifice and to a greater
extent this applied to the ultimate passage among
all — the death. In the B. Lincoln’s research on
the religion of East African pastoralists it is no-
ticed that the value of human life can only be com-
pensated with the sacrifice of cattle, thus fulfilling
the debt owed to divine forces:
“On the most obvious level, a valued gift is of-
fered to a deity by the sacrificer, and on further ex-
amination we see that the gift is in some sense of-
fered as a substitute – the life of the ox standing in
place of the life of the man. Further, through the
sacrifice men enter into relations of proximity with
the deities and with celestial sovereign, and in this
sense the sacrificial animal serves as a mediator
between man and god. There is truth in all these
views of sacrifice, and also in Lienhardt’s conten-
tion that the sacrifice and the systemic division of
meat constitute a recreation of the social order. But
the most important element in the ideology of sac-
rifice is that by sacrificing man returns to god what
was his gift in the beginning of time and what was
always rightfully his.” (Lincoln 1981, p. 32-33)
In Scythian society, however, namely the hors-
es, and not cattle played the major role in both
economy and religion. According to O. Ye. Fialko
and Yu. V. Boltryk the role of the horses in the bur-
ial ritual defined their position in the burial mound
in relation to the person’s grave as well as their
quantity (Фиалко 2003; Болтрик, Фіалко 2005,
с. 254). The authors distinguish several, occasion-
ally crossing, roles:
Horses-carriers that should have accompanied
and protected its owner on the way to the afterlife.
Typically, they were buried in separate grave ful-
ly equipped and their quantity corresponded to the
number of the people in a central burial;
‘Lead-saddle’ horses from the personal herd of
the deceased, distinguished with an especially rich
bridle. They also may have been placed in a cen-
tral grave;
Offertory horses, which include the particularly
numerous sacrificed horses. Such barrows with over
a hundred sacrificed animals are found in the earli-
est Scythian sites in the Siberian and Caucasian re-
gions. For the Pontic sites the quantity of the hors-
es, even in the richest barrows does not exceed 16;
Tryzna horses, that are the remains of a buri-
al feast usually found in the burial mound ditches;
Horses-guardians also should have been locat-
ed on the barrow outskirts and resemble Herodo-
tus’ story of a massive horse slaughter the year af-
ter the burial.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 41
In this regard the special significance of horses
in the funeral rites of the peoples of Siberia and
the North Caucasus is quite notable as they could
preserve some relics of the Scythian traditions
(Текуева, Нальчикова 2019, с. 26-33; Бубе-
нок 2021, с. 131-142). For instance, even in the
20th century the Tuvans retained the custom of
leaving a horse near the grave for a certain amount
of time or riding around the mound at the end of
the burial ceremony. A similar rite existed among
the Ossetians, where, in addition, a hair from the
horse’s mane or the tip of the ear could be cut off and
left in a burial. Such customs could replace horse
slaughter in situations of economic expediency
(Бубенок 2021, с. 139). Similarly, teeth or a horse
bridle found in the Scythian burials could not only
add, but also substitute the animal sacrifice.
In a few cases the placement of the horses’ heads
on their limbs is recorded. At Shevchenko 1 group 2
(5th century BC) the horses were located at the krepis
above the eastern part of the main burial chamber and
were arranged in a single row along the south-north
line, about 1 m apart from each other, facing west.
The remains of two individuals consisted of skulls,
one consisted of limbs, and another one contained a
skull and limbs. The number of animals found cor-
responded to the number of buried individuals. In
a similar pattern, the skulls of a horse, an ox, and a
sheep were found lying above the limbs in the central
and eastern part of Berdiansk SG. This ritual suppos-
edly traces back to the Zrubna culture (Зарайская,
Привалов 1992, с. 118-156; Березанская и др.
1986, с. 57). However, in the latter the oxen were
preferred, highlighting the different roles that cattle
played in Iranian pastoralist societies.
The horse remains found in the ditches are of
particular importance for current research. Without
doubting that horses were part of the Scythian diet,
however in funerary ritual they seem to be less as-
sociated with food. While the meal remnants inside
the burials may offer better insights into the dietary
habits of common members of Scythian nomads,
the preference of horses for the sacrifice is evident.
As M. Douglas notes, some animals may be deemed
“suitable for the table, but not for the altar” (Doug-
las 2002, p. 242), the horses on the contrary held
a special status as both a source of sustenance and
the most important sacrificial animals in the Scyth-
ian belief system, and thus occupied the highest po-
sition in their sacred hierarchy. The general rarity
of animal carcasses and bones with soft tissues in
the ditches of the most studied sites raises questions
about the attribution of these findings as leftovers
of a burial feast per se. While it is possible that in
common Scythian burials there could have left few-
er traces of the communal meal, the presence of cra-
nial bones (as well as teeth and mandibular bones)
is a more persistent feature. Therefore, the horse re-
mains on the burial mound’s surface could also be-
long to different stages of a burial ceremony. Con-
sidering the position of the horse skulls at the latitu-
dinal ditch breaks, which are the supposed entrance
to the sacred barrow space, they’re better reflect-
ing the ‘horse-guardian’ role in the classification of
O. Ye. Fialko and Yu. V. Boltryk.
Conclusions
The death of a human being or the occurrence of
natural or societal disasters are events that result in
loss and necessitate the need for restoration. Sacrifice
serves as the primary medium through which this
balance is established. The ideological importance
of animals in this cycle is apparent for pastoralist
societies, as they were the fundamental element
of subsistence. However, their role could vary in
different circumstances. During the construction
of a burial mound, the animal sacrifice could take
place on at least two distinct occasions: while
gifting offerings to the deceased and during the final
part of the funeral ceremony, called “tryzna”.
Food offerings were found in the majority of
Scythian burials and were typically placed alongside
the bodies. The way the meal was arranged was
highly standartised and likely connected to societal
attitudes towards the body and individuality. In the
words of L. N. Stutz, ‘proper burial’ was supposed
to affirm the eternal order of things and redefine
the individual after their death (Stutz 2015). The
way food was served in Scythian burials showed
clear distinctions not only between social rank, but
also between gender and probably marital status.
Generally, greater wealth was associated with a
larger quantity and variety of meat. Also, the placing
of food into cauldrons correlates with a ‘chiefly’
types of inventory, possibly indicating the role of its
owner in bestowing the food to the kindred. Gender
differences were less pronounced, but the position
of food deviated from the standard primarily in the
burials with female assemblage. The paired burials
were also often followed with the similar to the female
pattern, though this connection requires further
investigations. In the 4th century BC, the preference
for Greek imported vessels and the spatial separation
of wine drinking inventory showed that cultural
connections were a prestigious way to display status.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 242
A different picture is connected with the tryz-
na ritual and the remains of the burial feast at the
burial mound’s surface. Unlike burial offerings,
where preference to animal species was not no-
ticeable (although sheep were more numerous),
horses were the necessary element of the feast.
In ‘Princely’ barrows, the remains could include
a large number and variety of animals, indicating
their generosity and wealth. Supposedly, the de-
ceased’s social status influenced the number of
people who participated in the funeral ceremony,
from the construction of the mound to the cadaver
embalming and the subsequent abundance of the
feast. However, among other animals the horses
were an obligatory element in these actions. Nota-
bly, they, particularly parts of their heads, were of-
ten found buried in a ritualised manner close to the
latitudinal ditch breaks. They were chosen for sac-
rifice not because they were often eaten during the
ceremony, but rather other way around, they could
be eaten precisely, because they were the only ani-
mal that could serve this sacrificial role.
Overall, the memorial function of a burial
mound was achieved through both creation actions
in monumentalisation and destruction in sacrifice.
The communal consumption of sacrificed animals
marked the end of the liminal period thereby over-
coming the crisis, providing closure, hope, and a
return to normal course of life.
Acknowledgments
The project was carried out at the Jagiellonian
University in Kraków and funded by the National
Center of Science (grant number UMO-2022/01/4/
HS3/00095).
Алексеев, А. Ю. 2003. Хронография Европейской Ски-
фии VII—IV веков до н.е. Санкт-Петербург: Издательство
Государственного Эрмитажа.
Березанская, C. С., Отрощенко, В. В., Чередничен-
ко, Н. Н., Шарафутдинова, И. Н. 1986. Культуры эпохи
бронзы на территории Украины. Киев: Наукова думка.
Болтрик, Ю. В., Гаврилюк, Н. А., Фиалко, Е. Е., Буй-
ских, С. Б. 1985. Отчет о работе Приазовской новостро-
ечной экспедиции в 1984 г. Науковий архів Інститутуархе-
ології НАН України, ф. 64, 1984/17.
Болтрик, Ю. В. 1996. Большие золотые "ворвор-
ки" у скифов. В: Крыжицкий, С. Д. (ред.). Мир Оль-
вии. Памятник исследователю и исследование памят-
ника. К 90-летию проф. Л. М. Славина. Киев: ИА НАН
Украины, с. 40-46.
Болтрик, Ю. В., Фиалко, Е. Е., Чередниченко Н. Н.
1994. Бердянский курган. Российская археология, 3,
с. 140-156.
Болтрик, Ю. В., Фіалко, О. Є. 2005. Кінь як складова
поховальної церемонії скіфів. Старожитності степово-
го Причорномор’я і Криму, XII, с. 236-258.
Братченко, С. Н. Кротова, А. А., Швецов, М. Л., Герш-
кович, Я. П., Константинеску, Л. Ф., Смирнов, А. М., Са-
мойленко, В. Г., Шкарбан, А. С. 1977. Отчет об исследо-
ваниях Донецкой экспедиции в 1977 г. Науковий архів Ін-
ституту археології НАН України, ф. 64, 1977/12.
Бубенок, О. Б. 2021. Реликты традиций скифского
времени в погребальных обрядах тувинцев. Новые иссле-
дования Тувы, 1, с. 131-147. https://www.doi.org/10.25178/
nit.2021.1.7
Гершкович, Я. П., Ромашко, О. В. 2013. Скіфське свя-
тилище Ареса: археологічні дані та свідчення Геродота.
Археологія, 1, с. 61-77.
Гуляев, В. И. 2019. Загадка золотых «конусов» скифов.
Краткие сообщения Института археологии, 256, c. 172-
187. http://doi.org/10.25681/IARAS.0130-2620.256.172-187
Журавлев, О. П. 1988. Определение остеологического
материала. В: Кубышев, А. И. и др. (ред.). Отчет о рабо-
тах Херсонской археологической экпедиции Института
археологии АН УРСР в Херсонской и Запорожской облас-
тях УССР в 1987 г., 1-4. Науковий архів Інституту архео-
логії НАН України, ф. 64, 1987/19.
Журавлев, О. П. 2018. Остеологические материалы из
скифских курганов Александрополь, Большой Рыжановский
и Стеблев. В: Полин, C. В. и др. (ред.). Скифский царский
Александропольский курган IV в. до н.е. в Нижнем Подне-
провье, Курганы Украины. Т. 6, Киев; Берлин, с. 195-234.
Зарайская, Н. П. 1992. Погребение раннего железного века
на р. Крынке. Донецкий археологический сборник, 1, c. 89-99.
Зарайская, Н. П., Привалов, А. И. 1992. Скифские па-
мятники Шевченковского могильника. Донецкий архео-
логический сборник, 2, c. 118-160.
Кравец, Д. П. 1992. Раскопки кургана в урочище Ха-
муш-Оба (Северное Приазовье). Донецкий археологичес-
кий сборник, 2, c. 160-179.
Кубышев, А. И. 1977. Отчет о работе Херсонской
археологической экспедиции ИА АН УССР в зоне строи-
тельства Каховской оросительной системы в 1977 году.
Науковий архів Інституту археології НАН України, ф. 64,
1977/23
Моруженко, А. А. и др. 1981. Археологические рас-
копки курганов в зоне строительства мелиоративных
систем на территории Володарского и Тельмановского
районов Донецкой области. ННауковий архів Інституту
археології НАН України, ф. 64, 1980/90а.
Мурзин, В. Ю. 2018. О золотых «конусах» из скиф-
ских курганов. Археологія і давня історія України, 2(27),
с. 131-137
Ольховский, В. С. 1991. Погребально-поминальная
обрядность населения степной Скифии. Москва: Наука.
Пиневич, П. М. Отчет об археологических раскопках
в Мариупольском округе 1927 год. Науковий архів Інсти-
туту археології НАН України, ф. 64, 1927/6а.
Полин, С. В. 2014. Курганы Украины. Т. 3. Скифский
Золотобалковский курганный могильник V—IV вв. до н. е.
на Херсонщине. Киев: ФОП “Видавець Олег Філюк”.
Полин, С. В. Карнаух, Е. Г. 2012. Скифский курган ІV в. до
н. э. у села Кременевка в Северо-Восточном Приазовье. Архео-
логия, этнография и антропология Евразии, 4 (52), с. 116-128.
Полин, С. В., Кубышев, А. И. 1997. Скифские курганы
Утлюкского междуречья (в Северо-западном Приазовье).
Киев; Институт археологии НАН Украины.
Ромашко, В. А., Скорий, С. А. 2010. Скіфський арис-
тократичний курган Близнюк-2. Археологія, 4, с. 79-97.
Сай, Т. М. 2013. Хто був власником дерев’яних чаш?
Маґістеріум, 53, с. 32-36.
Секерская, Е. П. 1984. Костные остатки млекопитаю-
щих из могильников у сс. Акимовка и Высокое. В: Бол-
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 43
трик, Ю. В., Гаврилюк, Н. А., Фиалко, Е. Е., Буйских,
С. Б. (ред.) Отчет о работе Приазовской новостроечной
экспедиции в 1984 году. Науковий архів Інституту архе-
ології НАН України, ф. 64, 1984/17.
Текуева, М. А., Нальчикова, Е. А. 2019. Поми-
нальная жертва и поминальная пища в традициях на-
родов Северного Кавказа. Известия СОИГСИ, 33(72),
с. 26-37.
Тереножкин, А. И. 1955. Скифский курган в г. Мели-
тополе. Краткие сообщения Института археологии АН
УРСР, 5, с. 23-35.
Фиалко, Е. Е. 2003. Кони в погребальном ритуале скиф-
ской аристократии. В: Пиотровский, Ю. Ю. (отв. ред.).
Степи Евразии в древности и средневековье. Материалы
международной научной конференции, посвященной 100-ле-
тию со дня рождения М. П. Грязнова. Санкт-Петербург: Из-
дательство Гос. Эрмитажа, c. 169-170.
Фіалко, О. Є. 2001. Червонофігурні кратери зі скіф-
ських пам’яток. Археологія, 1, с. 80-89.
Фиалко, Е. Е. 2012. Погребение амазонки в долине
реки Молочной. Археологія і давня історія України, 8,
с. 43-49.
Чередниченко, М. М., Мурзін, В. Ю. 1996. Основні до-
слідження Бердянського кургану. Археологія, 1, с. 69-78.
Cann, C. K., 2018. The Role of Food in Bereavement
and Memorialization. In: Cann, C. K. (ed.), Dying to Eat:
Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Food, Death, and the After-
life, p. 1-13. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky.
Craven, P. E., 2002. The Final Feast: An Examination of
the Significant Iron Age Amphora Burials in North-West Eu-
rope in Relation to the Mediterranean Symposium and Feast-
ing Ritual. PhD Thesis, University of Birmingham.
Douglas, M., 2002. Deciphering a Meal. In: Douglas M.
(ed.), Implicit Meanings, p. 81-125. London: Routledge.
Geary, P. J., 1995. Living with the Dead in the Middle
Ages. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
Griffin, J., 1980. Homer on Life and Death. Oxford: Clar-
endon Press.
Lincoln, B., 1981. Priests, Warriors, and Cattle: A Study
in the Ecology of Religions. Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia Press.
Mauss, M. 1990., The Gift: Forms and Functions of Ex-
change in Archaic Societies. (W.D. Halls, Trans.). London:
Routledge.
Malinowski, B., 2004. Magic, Science and Religion. In:
Robben (ed.), A.C.G.M. Death, Mourning, and Burial: A
Cross-Cultural Reader, p. 45-50. Oxford: Blackwell Pub-
lishing.
Robben, A. C. G. M., 2004. Death and Anthropology: An
Introduction. In: Robben (ed.), A.C.G.M. Death, Mourning,
and Burial: A Cross-Cultural Reader, p. 1-12. Oxford: Black-
well Publishing.
Rowlands, M., 1993. The Role of Memory in the Trans-
mission of Culture. World Archaeology, 25(2), p. 141-151.
Stutz, L. N., 2015. A Proper Burial: Some Thoughts on
Changes in Mortuary Ritual, and How Archaeology Can Be-
gin to Understand Them. In: Rasmus, J. (ed.), Death and
Changing Rituals: Function and Meaning in Ancient Funer-
ary Practices, p. 22-42. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Van der Veen, M. 2003. When is Food a Luxury? World
Archaeology, 34(3), p. 405-427. https://doi.org/10.1080/0043
824021000026422
Van Gennep, A., 1960. Rites of Passage. (M. B. Vizedom,
G. L. Caffee, Trans.). London: Routledge; Kegan Paul.
Надійшла 18.04.2023
А. Д. Демiна
Hауковий співробітник, Hаціональний університет «Києво-Могилянська академія», кафедра археології,
ORCID: 0000-0002-6954-4802, alisa.demina@ukma.edu.ua
ПОМИНАЛЬНА ТРАПЕЗА В ПОХОВАЛЬНОМУ ОБРЯДІ СКІФІВ (ЗА МАТЕРІАЛАМИ ПАМ’ЯТОК
ПІВНІЧНОГО ПРИАЗОВ’Я У V—IV ст. до н. е.)
Стаття розглядає роль поховального бенкету, жертвоприношення тварин і супровідної їжі у скіфському поховальному
обряді. У ній аналізується, яким чином поширення і характер розташування решток тварин та інвентаря, пов’язаного зі
споживанням їжі, сприяло трансляції соціальних норм під час поховальної церемонії. Окремо обговорюється значення
різних видів тварин, передусім коней, у ритуалі жертвоприношення. Географічні межі пам’яток, що складають основу
аналізу, охоплюють Північне Приазов’я, між Присивашшям на заході та басейном р. Кальміус на сході. Хронологічні
межі дослідження охоплюють другу половину V—IV ст. до н. е. База даних пам’яток охоплює як кургани, споруджені у
скіфський час, так і впускні скіфські поховання в курганах доби бронзи, а також непоховальні пам’ятки зі слідами риту-
альних дій. Проведений аналіз виявив закономірності за кількісними, а також якісними показниками: різним способом
сервірування та розташування страв, які пов’язані із соціальними, гендерними, географічними і хронологічними чинни-
ками. Індивідуальний простір поховання, пов’язаний із супровідною їжею, демонструє відмінності у стандартизації, які
корелюють не лише з багатством поховання та ймовірним соціальним статусом небіжчика, але й між статтю та кількістю
похованих осіб. Інша ситуація спостерігається на поверхні кургану, місцем проведення тризни та поховального бенкету
спільноти. На відміну від решток тварин у похованні, де преференція певних видів тварин не спостерігається (з кількісним
переважанням дрібної рогатої худоби), коні були обов’язковим елементом тризни. Особливу увагу заслуговує тенденція
розташування голів коней поблизу широтних перемичок у кільцевих ровиках. Ґрунтуючись на цих спостереженнях та
етнографічних матеріалах, можна припускати, що вибір коней для ритуальних жертвоприношень обґрунтовувався не
тим, що вони були поширеною їжею під час поховального бенкету, а навпаки, їх споживання в цьому контексті було
можливе тільки тому, що саме коні були основною твариною, яка могла виконувати жертовну роль.
К л ю ч о в і с л о в а: Північне Приазов’я, поховальний бенкет, тризна, скіфи, кургани, жертвоприношення
тварин.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 244
References
Alekseev, A. Yu. 2003. Khronografiia evropeiskoi Skifii VII—IV vekov do n.e. Sankt-Peterburg: Izdatelstvo Gos. Ermitazha.
Berezanskaia, S. S., Otroshchenko, V. V., Cherednichenko, N. N., Sharafutdinova, I. N. 1986. Kultury epokhi bronzy na terri-
torii Ukrainy. Kyiv: Naukova dumka.
Boltrik, Yu. V., Gavriliuk, N. A., Fialko, E. E, Buiskikh, S. B. Otchet o rabote Priazovskoi novostroechnoi ekspeditsii v 1984 g.
Scientific Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1984/17.
Boltrik, Yu. V., Fialko, E. E., Cherednichenko, N. N. 1994. Berdianskii kurgan. Rossiiskaia arkheologiia, 3, p. 140-156.
Boltrik, Yu. V. 1996. Bolshie zolotye vorvorki u skifov. In: Kryzhytskii, S. D. (ed.). Mir Olvii. Pamiatnik issledovateliu i issle-
dovanie pamiatnika. К 90-letiiu proff. L. М. Slavina. Kyiv: Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine, p. 40-46.
Boltryk, Yu. V., Fialko, O. Ye. 2005. Kin yak skladova pokhovalnoi tseremonii skifiv. Starozhytnosti stepovoho Prychornomo-
ria i Krymu, XII, p. 236-258.
Bratchenko, S. N., Krotova, A. A., Shvetsov, M. L., Gershkovich, Ia. P., Konstantinesku, L. F., Smirnov, A. M., Samoilenko,
V. G., Shkarban, A. S. 1977. Otchet ob issledovaniiakh Donetskoi ekspeditsii v 1977 g. Scientific Archives of the Institute
of Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1977/12.
Bubenok, O. B. 2021. Relics of the Traditions of the Scythian Time in Burial Rites of the Tuvans. The new research of Tuva, 1,
p. 131-147. https://www.doi.org/10.25178/nit.2021.1.7
Guliaev, V. I. 2019. The Riddle of the Scythian Gold “Cones”. Kratkie soobshcheniya Instituta arheologii, 256, p. 172-187.
http://doi.org/10.25681/IARAS.0130-2620.256.172-187
Hershkovych, Ia. P., Romashko, O. V. 2013. Scythian Sanctuaries of Ares: Archaeological Data and Herodotus’ Record. Arhe-
ologia, 1, p. 61-77.
Zhuravlev, O. P. 1988. Opredelenie osteologicheskogo materiala. In: Kubyshev A. I. et al. (eds.) Otchet o rabotakh Khersonskoi
arkheologicheskoi ekpeditsii Instituta arkheologii AN URSR v Khersonskoi i Zaporozhskoi oblastiakh USSR v 1987 g., 1-4.
Scientific Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1987/19.
Zhuravlev, O. P. 2018. Osteologicheskie materialy iz skifskikh kurganov Aleksandropol, Bolshoi Ryzhanovskii i Steblev. In:
Polin S. V. et al. (eds.). Skifskii tsarskii Aleksandropolskii kurgan IV v. do n. e. v Nizhnem Podneprove, Kurgany Ukrainy
T. 6, Kyiv; Berlin, p. 195-234.
Zaraiskaia, N. P. 1992. Pogrebenie rannego zheleznogo veka na r. Krynke. Donetskii arkheologicheskii sbornik, 1, p. 89-99.
Zaraiskaia, N., Privalov, A. 1992. Skifskie pamiatniki Shevchenkovskogo mogilnika. Donetskii arkheologicheski sbornik, 2,
p. 118-160.
Kravets, D. P. 1992. Raskopki kurgana v urochishche Khamush-Oba (Severnoe Priazove). Donetskij arkheologicheskij sbornik,
2, p. 160-179.
Kubyshev, A. I. 1977. Otchet o rabote Khersonskoi arkheologicheskoi ekspeditsii IA AN USSR v zone stroitelstva Kakhovskoi
orositelnoi sistemy v 1977 godu. Scientific Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1977/23.
Moruzhenko, A. A. et al. 1981. Arkheologicheskie raskopki kurganov v zone stroitelstva meliorativnykh sistem na territorii Vo-
lodarskogo i Telmanovskogo raionov Donetskoi oblasti. Scientific Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, the NAS of
Ukraine, f. 64, 1980/90a.
Murzin, V. Yu. 2018. About Gold “Cones” of the Scythian Burial Mounds. Arkheolohiia i davnia istoriia Ukrainy, 2(27), p. 131-
137.
Olkhovskii, V. 1991. Pogrebalno-pominalnaia obriadnost naseleniia stepnoi Skifii. Moskva: Nauka.
Pinevich, P. M. Otchet ob arkheologicheskikh raskopkakh v Mariupolskom okruge 1927 g. Scientific Archives of the Institute of
Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1927/6a.
Polin, S. V. 2014. Kurgany Ukrainy. T. 3. Skifskii Zolotobalkovskii kurgannyi mogilnik V—IV vv. do n. e. na Khersonshchine.
Kyiv: FOP “Vydavets Oleh Filiuk”.
Polin, S. V. Karnaukh, E. G. 2012. Skifskii kurgan ІV v. do n. e. u sela Kremenevka v Severo-Vostochnom Priazove. Arkheologi-
ia, etnografiia i antropologiia Evrazii, 4 (52), p. 116-128.
Polin, S. V., Kubyshev, A. I. 1997. Skifskie kurgany Utliukskogo mezhdurechia (v Severozapadnom Priazove), Kyiv, Institute
of Archaeology of NASU.
Romashko, V. A., Skoryi, S. A. 2010. The Scythian Nobles’ Barrow Blyznyuk 2. Arheologia, 4, p. 79-97
Sai, T. M. 2013. Who Was Owner the Wooden Bowls? Mahisterium, 53, p. 32-36.
Sekerskaia, E. P. Kostnye ostatki mlekopitaiushchikh iz mogilnikov u s. Akimovka i Vysokoe. 1984 In: Boltrik, Iu. V., Gavri-
lyuk, N. A., Fialko, E. E., Buiskikh, S. B. Otchet o rabote Priazovskoi novostroechnoi ekspeditsii v 1984 godu. Scientific
Archives of the Institute of Archaeology, the NAS of Ukraine, f. 64, 1984/17.
Tekueva, M. A., Nalchikova, E. A. 2019. Sacrificial Offerings and Funeral Feasts in the Traditions of the Peoples of the North
Caucasus. Izvestiia SOIGSI, 33(72), p. 26-37.
Terenozhkin, A. I. 1955. Skifskii kurgan v g. Melitopole. Kratkie soobshcheniia Instituta arkheologii AN URSR, 5, p. 23-35.
Fialko, E. E. Horses in Burial Ritual of Scythian Nobility. In: Piotrovskii, Iu. Iu. (ed.). Stepi Evrazii v drevnosti i srednevek-
ove. Materialy mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii, posviashchennoi 100-letiiu so dnia rozhdeniia M. P. Griaznova.
Sankt-Peterburg: Izdatelstvo Gos. Ermitazha, p. 169-170.
Fialko, O. Ye. 2001. Red-Figured Craters from Scythian Monuments. Arheologia, 1, p. 80-89.
Fialko, O. Ye. 2012. The Amazon’s Grave in the Valley of Molochnaia River. Arkheolohiia i Davnia Istoriia Ukrainy, 8, p. 43-49.
Cherednychenko, M. M., Murzin, V. Yu. 1996. Osnovni doslidzhennia Berdianskoho kurhanu. Arheologia, 1, p. 69-78.
Cann, C. K., 2018. The Role of Food in Bereavement and Memorialization. In: Cann, C. K. (ed.), Dying to Eat: Cross-Cultural
Perspectives on Food, Death, and the Afterlife, p. 1-13. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky.
ISSN 0235-3490 (Print), ISSN 2616-499X (Online). Археологія, 2023, № 2 45
Craven, P. E., 2002. The Final Feast: An Examination of the Significant Iron Age Amphora Burials in North-West Europe in Re-
lation to the Mediterranean Symposium and Feasting Ritual. PhD Thesis, University of Birmingham.
Douglas, M., 2002. Deciphering a Meal. In: Douglas, M. (ed.), Implicit Meanings, p. 81-125. London: Routledge.
Geary, P. J., 1995. Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
Griffin, J., 1980. Homer on Life and Death. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Lincoln, B., 1981. Priests, Warriors, and Cattle: A Study in the Ecology of Religions. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Mauss, M., 1990. The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. (W.D. Halls, Trans.). London, Routledge.
Malinowski, B., 2004. Magic, Science and Religion. In: Robben, A. C. G. M. (ed.), Death, Mourning, and Burial: A Cross-Cul-
tural Reader, p. 45-50. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Robben, A. C. G. M., 2004. Death and Anthropology: An Introduction. In: Robben, A. C. G. M. (ed.), Death, Mourning, and
Burial: A Cross-Cultural Reader, p. 1-12. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Rowlands, M. 1993. The Role of Memory in the Transmission of Culture. World Archaeology, 25(2), p. 141-151.
Stutz, L. N., 2015. A Proper Burial: Some Thoughts on Changes in Mortuary Ritual, and How Archaeology Can Begin to Un-
derstand Them. In: Rasmus, J. (ed.), Death and Changing Rituals: Function and Meaning in Ancient Funerary Practices,
p. 22-42. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Van der Veen, M. 2003. When is Food a Luxury? World Archaeology, 34(3), p. 405-427. https://doi.org/10.1080/0043824021
000026422
Van Gennep, A., 1960. Rites of Passage. (M. B. Vizedom, G. L. Caffee, Trans.). London: Routledge; Kegan Paul.
|
| id | nasplib_isofts_kiev_ua-123456789-199548 |
| institution | Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
| issn | 0235-3490 |
| language | English |
| last_indexed | 2025-11-24T15:07:10Z |
| publishDate | 2023 |
| publisher | Інститут археології НАН України |
| record_format | dspace |
| spelling | Demina, A.D. 2024-10-15T13:29:10Z 2024-10-15T13:29:10Z 2023 Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) / A.D. Demina // Археологія. — 2023. — № 2. — С. 30-45. — Бібліогр.: 45 назв. — англ. 0235-3490 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2023.02.030 https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/199548 [904.5:393.5](477.7)”-4/-3” In the article the author investigates the Scythian funerary practices in the Northern Azov region, focusing on the role of food offerings and animal sacrifice. In the study the relationship between food remains in personal burial spaces and communal feasting at the burial mound surface are highlighted. Стаття розглядає роль поховального бенкету, жертвоприношення тварин і супровідної їжі у скіфському поховальному обряді. У ній аналізується, яким чином поширення і характер розташування решток тварин та інвентаря, пов’язаного зі споживанням їжі, сприяло трансляції соціальних норм під час поховальної церемонії. Окремо обговорюється значення різних видів тварин, передусім коней, у ритуалі жертвоприношення. Географічні межі пам’яток, що складають основу аналізу, охоплюють Північне Приазов’я, між Присивашшям на заході та басейном р. Кальміус на сході. Хронологічні межі дослідження охоплюють другу половину V—IV ст. до н. е. База даних пам’яток охоплює як кургани, споруджені у скіфський час, так і впускні скіфські поховання в курганах доби бронзи, а також непоховальні пам’ятки зі слідами ритуальних дій. Проведений аналіз виявив закономірності за кількісними, а також якісними показниками: різним способом сервірування та розташування страв, які пов’язані із соціальними, гендерними, географічними і хронологічними чинниками. Індивідуальний простір поховання, пов’язаний із супровідною їжею, демонструє відмінності у стандартизації, які корелюють не лише з багатством поховання та ймовірним соціальним статусом небіжчика, але й між статтю та кількістю похованих осіб. Інша ситуація спостерігається на поверхні кургану, місцем проведення тризни та поховального бенкету спільноти. На відміну від решток тварин у похованні, де преференція певних видів тварин не спостерігається (з кількісним переважанням дрібної рогатої худоби), коні були обов’язковим елементом тризни. Особливу увагу заслуговує тенденція розташування голів коней поблизу широтних перемичок у кільцевих ровиках. Ґрунтуючись на цих спостереженнях та етнографічних матеріалах, можна припускати, що вибір коней для ритуальних жертвоприношень обґрунтовувався не тим, що вони були поширеною їжею під час поховального бенкету, а навпаки, їх споживання в цьому контексті було можливе тільки тому, що саме коні були основною твариною, яка могла виконувати жертовну роль. The project was carried out at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków and funded by the National Center of Science (grant number UMO-2022/01/4/ HS3/00095). en Інститут археології НАН України Археологія Статтi Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) Поминальна трапеза в поховальному обряді скіфів (за матеріалами памʼяток Північного Приазовʼя у V—IV ст. до н. е.) Article published earlier |
| spellingShingle | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) Demina, A.D. Статтi |
| title | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) |
| title_alt | Поминальна трапеза в поховальному обряді скіфів (за матеріалами памʼяток Північного Приазовʼя у V—IV ст. до н. е.) |
| title_full | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) |
| title_fullStr | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) |
| title_full_unstemmed | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) |
| title_short | Funeral Meal in Scythian Burial Rite (Case Study of Northern Azov Region, 5th—4th Centuries BC) |
| title_sort | funeral meal in scythian burial rite (case study of northern azov region, 5th—4th centuries bc) |
| topic | Статтi |
| topic_facet | Статтi |
| url | https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/199548 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT deminaad funeralmealinscythianburialritecasestudyofnorthernazovregion5th4thcenturiesbc AT deminaad pominalʹnatrapezavpohovalʹnomuobrâdískífívzamateríalamipamʼâtokpívníčnogopriazovʼâuvivstdone |