Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level
Рассмотрены и обобщены подходы к измерению развития человека с помощью его синтетического индекса. Проведен анализ способов определения достижений разных стран в этой области. Исследованы количественные и качественные методы сравнения. The approaches to the human development measurement with help of...
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| Zitieren: | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level / O.V. Tutova // Управляющие системы и машины. — 2014. — № 6. — С. 65-71. — Бібліогр.: 7 назв. — англ. |
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| citation_txt | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level / O.V. Tutova // Управляющие системы и машины. — 2014. — № 6. — С. 65-71. — Бібліогр.: 7 назв. — англ. |
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| description | Рассмотрены и обобщены подходы к измерению развития человека с помощью его синтетического индекса. Проведен анализ способов определения достижений разных стран в этой области. Исследованы количественные и качественные методы сравнения.
The approaches to the human development measurement with help of the synthetic human development index are considered and generalized. The various ways to define the achievements of different countries in this field are analyzed. The quantitative and qualitative methods to compare the human development levels in the different countries are examined.
Розглянуто і узагальнено підходи до вимірювання розвитку людини за допомогою синтетичного індексу. Проведено аналіз засобів визначення досягнень різних країн у цій царині. Досліджено якісні та кількісні методи порівняння.
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| first_indexed | 2025-12-07T15:14:45Z |
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УСиМ, 2014, № 6 65
Экономико-математическое моделирование
УДК 364.2:331
O.V. Tutova
Сonceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level
Рассмотрены и обобщены подходы к измерению развития человека с помощью его синтетического индекса. Проведен
анализ способов определения достижений разных стран в этой области. Исследованы количественные и качественные
методы сравнения.
The approaches to the human development measurement with help of the synthetic human development index are considered and gen-
eralized. The various ways to define the achievements of different countries in this field are analyzed. The quantitative and qualitative
methods to compare the human development levels in the different countries are examined.
Розглянуто і узагальнено підходи до вимірювання розвитку людини за допомогою синтетичного індексу. Проведено
аналіз засобів визначення досягнень різних країн у цій царині. Досліджено якісні та кількісні методи порівняння.
Key words: human development index, gross national product, Gini coefficient.
Decision-making process in the field of human
development requires comprehensive research of a
cause–and–effect relation between the social, eco-
nomical, political, cultural affairs within a country
and its overall progress in the changing world.
The aim of this paper is to examine and analyze
quantative and qualitative methods of assessment
of human development. There is a need in a gen-
eralized approach to evolution of economic theory
in the field of human development for better un-
derstanding what social and economic indicators
should be used to assess a level of human devel-
opment. The main goal of this paper is to analyze
the possibilities for accurate estimations of differ-
ent dimensions of human development from the
point of view of economic theory. This article fo-
cuses on the problem of description of different
qualitative characteristics such as various aspects
of human development by quantative indicators.
Defining human development
Human development is a process of enlarging
people's choices. The most critical of these wide-
ranging choices are to live a long and healthy life,
to be educated and to have access to the resources
needed for a decent standard of living. The addi-
tional choices include political freedom, guaran-
teed human rights and personal self-respect.
The development enables people to have these
choices. No one can guarantee a human happiness,
and the choices people make are their own con-
cern. But the process of development should at
least create a conducive environment for people,
individually and collectively, to develop their full
potential and to have a reasonable chance of lead-
ing the productive and the creative lives in accord
with their own needs and interests.
Human development thus concerns more than
the formation of human capabilities, such as im-
proved health or knowledge. It also concerns the
use of these capabilities, be it for work, the leisure
or the political and cultural activities. And if the
scales of human development fail to balance the
formation and use of human capabilities, a lot of
human potential will be frustrated.
The idea that social arrangements must be
judged by the extent to which they promote "hu-
man good" goes back at least to Aristotle. He also
warned against judging societies merely by such
things as income and wealth. Aristotle argued for
seeing "the difference between a good political
arrangement and a bad one" in terms of its suc-
cesses and failures in facilitating people's ability
to lead "flourishing lives". Human being as the
real end of all activities was a recurring theme in
the writings of most of the early philosophers.
66 УСиМ, 2014, № 6
The same motivating concern can be found in
the writings of the early leaders of quantification in
economics – William Petty, Gregory King, Fran-
cois Quesnay, Antoine Lavoisier and Joseph La-
grange, the grandparents of Gross National Prod-
uct (GNP) and Gross Domestic Product (GDP). It
is also clear in the writings of the leading political
economists – Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Robert
Malthus, Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill [1].
The early leaders of quantification in econom-
ics kept their main focus on people, a focus that in
recent years has been blurred. Although develop-
ment has been a constant concern of government
policymakers, economists and other social scien-
tists – and has touched the lives of more people
than ever before – there has been little agreement
on what constitutes development, how it is best
measured and how it is best achieved. One reason
for this lack of agreement is that dissatisfaction
with the pace and character of economic and so-
cial change has instilled a desire to redefine the
aims and measures of development.
Statistical data bases were established by the
UN Statistical Office and Population Division, the
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), and the Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development (OECD). These have
been complemented, and in part updated, by se-
lected statistical data collected from government
sources by the United Nations Development Pro-
gramme (UNDP) country offices. The other con-
tributing UN system and affiliated organisations
were the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations (FAO), the International Fund for
Agricultural Development (IFAD, the Interna-
tional Labour Organisation (ILO), the United Na-
tions Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organi-
zation (UNESCO), the United Nations Fund for
Population Activities (UNFPA), the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), the United Nations Children's Fund
(UNICEF), UNIDO, the United Nations Office at
Vienna (UNOV), the United Nations Research
Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), the
United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office (UNSO),
the World Food Programme (WFP), and the
World Health Organization (WHO). Further in-
puts were received from various UNDP offices, in
particular UNDP's country offices, the Regional
Bureaux, the Division for Women in Develop-
ment, the Division for Nongovernmental Organi-
sations and the Office of Project Services.
While the pioneers of measurement of the na-
tional output and income stressed the importance
of the social concerns, the economic growth be-
came the main focus after the Second World War.
The growth in the capital stock was seen as the
means of achieving the development, and the
growth rate of per capita GDP became the sole
measure of the development.
The income was first developed as a way of
measuring welfare and well-being by Pigou, who
described economic welfare as the measurable part
of the human welfare – the part that could be
brought into a relationship with "the measuring rod
of money". As a measure of a well-being, the in-
come pertains to individuals or to households. It was
seen as a forward-looking measure of the benefits
yet to come rather than as a record of what had al-
ready transpired.
But the production and the distribution proc-
esses constrain the income of an individual or
household. Thus, the income is also a record of an
economic activity, of the production of goods and
services already achieved. This backward-looking,
recording aspect came to the fore during the Sec-
ond World War. Income at the national level-GDP
or GNP, as it came to be called – became a meas-
ure of an activity of the total mass of quantity of
goods and services produced, weighted by their
respective prices, rather than a measure of an in-
dividual wellbeing.
As GNP became the goal of development in the
1950s and 1960s, the question of promoting indi-
vidual well-being receded. It was assumed that the
well-being would follow automatically from the
economic growth. A tenuous link between the in-
come and the well-being was made through the
notion of the income per capita, which com-
pounded the shift of the emphasis from the wel-
fare to the production by its insensitivity to a dis-
tribution. In time, the distribution was altogether
forgotten, and the argument of "trickle down" was
made to defend such neglect. Thus, the income
УСиМ, 2014, № 6 67
moved from an admittedly partial monetary meas-
ure of well-being to the centre stage as a measure
of production and as the sole measure of welfare
in its per capita form.
By the 1960s, it was clear from many develop-
ing countries that the income growth had not tack-
led the problem of the mass poverty. The income
distribution and the equity came to the forefront as
an additional objective of development. The focus
of the development was turned towards the alle-
viation of the poverty, a change that led to a re-
examination of the concept of the income and its
adequacy as a measure of the development.
Against this central dominance of the income,
several voices were raised. In a pioneering effort
at UNRISD, McGranahan and associates exam-
ined several development indicators – some re-
lated to a mortality and a morbidity, others to such
social factors as the urbanisation and still others to
the economic factors. These indicators were corre-
lated with each other and used jointly to describe
the socioeconomic development. Each indicator
was related to per capita GDP in a series of re-
gressions that allowed the identification of a
threshold level of the development. Below this
threshold a country was underdeveloped and
above it, developed [1–4].
But the problem of combining these various in-
dicators into a single measure of development, in
analogy with income still remained. The income is a
price-weighted sum of quantities of different goods
and services exchanged in the marketplace. The
prices are by no means ideal weights. They may
overvalue or undervalue goods and services for
which the market is imperfect, and still worse, they
totally ignore those for which the market does not
exist. But prices are in some sense "natural" weights,
since they are part of people's everyday experience.
A price conveys the relative importance of one good
compared with another in terms of income.
Any synthetic index combines the diverse indica-
tors. Weighting can be equal or determined by such
data-driven statistical techniques as factor analysis.
Weights have a statistical interpretation, but they can
not be explained either by daily experience or by the
relative importance of the indicators. By contrast,
the income provides an indication about the trade-
off of a consumer or producer who is willing to
make a choice among different goods.
Another concern of measuring development is
deciding which indicators to include and which to
leave out. The income measure includes all goods
and services that are produced and marketed, among
them are harmful goods that pollute the atmosphere
or injure health. In this sense, income is comprehen-
sive, a quality that alternative indexes lack. The
more comprehensive they seem to be, the more indi-
cators they include, and the less they are transparent
and relevant to daily experience.
In response to such considerations Morris put
forward the Physical Quality of Life Index
(PQLI). He saw the UNRISD effort as measuring
development as an activity. He wished to focus on
development as achieved well-being and chose
three indicators – infant mortality, life expectancy
at age one and literacy, combining them in a sim-
ple unweighted index to give the PQLI. There ob-
viously is considerable overlap between the first
two indicators, particularly for developing coun-
tries, as they both relate to longevity and are con-
nected by a precise relationship [1].
The perception of development has since
shifted – first, from the economic development to
the socioeconomic development, with a new em-
phasis on poverty. Now the shift is to human de-
velopment. It emphasises the development of the
human choices and returns to the centrality of
people. It is reflected in measuring development
not as the expansion of commodities and wealth
but as the widening of human choices. The out-
come is the human development index (HDI).
There is a need for paying attention to the link
between the economic growth and the human de-
velopment for a variety of reasons. Many fast-
growing developing countries are discovering that
their high GNP growth rates have failed to reduce
the socioeconomic deprivation of substantial sec-
tions of their population. Even industrial nations
are realizing that high income is not protection
against the rapid spread of such problems as
drugs, alcoholism, AIDS, homelessness, violence
and the breakdown of family relations.
There is no automatic link between the income
growth and the human progress. The main preoc-
68 УСиМ, 2014, № 6
cupation of development analysis should be how
such a link can be created and reinforced.
This way of looking at development differs from
the conventional approaches to the economic
growth, the human capital formation, the human re-
source development, the human welfare or the basic
human needs. It is necessary to delineate these dif-
ferences clearly to avoid any confusion. The human
progress may be lacking in some societies despite
rapid GNP growth or high per capita income levels
unless some additional steps are taken.
Theories of the human capital formation and the
human resource development view human beings
primarily as means rather than as ends. They are
concerned only with the supply side – with human
beings as the instruments for furthering commodity
production. True, there is a connection, for human
beings are the active agents of all production. But
human beings are more than capital goods for the
commodity production. They are also the ultimate
ends and beneficiaries of this process. Thus, the
concept of the human capital formation (or human
resource development) captures only one side of
human development, not its whole. The human wel-
fare approaches look at human beings more as the
beneficiaries of the development process than as
participants in it. They emphasise distributive poli-
cies rather than production structures [1–5].
The basic needs approach usually concentrates
on the bundle of goods and services that deprived
population groups need: food, shelter, clothing,
health care and water. It focuses on the provision
of these goods and services rather than on the is-
sue of human choices.
The human development, by contrast, brings
together the production and distribution of com-
modities and the expansion and use of human ca-
pabilities. It also focuses on the choices – on what
people should have, be and do to be able to ensure
their own livelihood. Human development is, more-
over, concerned not only with basic needs satis-
faction but also with human development as a par-
ticipatory and dynamic process. It applies equally
to less developed and highly developed countries.
Measuring human development
In any system for measuring and monitoring
human development, the ideal would be to include
many variables, to obtain the comprehensive pic-
ture. But the current lack of relevant comparable
statistics precludes that.
The measurement of human development
should focus on the three essential elements of
human life – longevity, knowledge and decent liv-
ing standards.
As for the first component – longevity – the life
expectancy at birth is the indicator. The use of life
expectancy as one of the principal indicators of
human development rests on three considerations:
the intrinsic value of longevity, its value in help-
ing people pursue various goals and its association
with other characteristics, such as good health and
nutrition. A long life correlates closely with an
adequate nutrition, good health and education and
other valued achievements. Life expectancy is
thus a proxy measure for several other important
variables in human development. This association
makes life expectancy an important indicator of
the human development, especially in view of the
present lack of comprehensive information about
people's health and nutritional status.
For the second key component knowledge –
literacy figures are only a crude reflection of ac-
cess to education, particularly to the good quality
education so necessary for productive life in mod-
ern society. But literacy is a person's first step in
learning and knowledge-building, so the literacy
figures are essential in any measurement of the
human development. In a more varied set of indi-
cators, importance would also have to be attached
to the outputs of higher levels of education. But
for basic human development, literacy deserves
the clearest emphasis.
The third key component of human develop-
ment – command over resources needed for a de-
cent living – is perhaps the most difficult to mea-
sure simply. It requires data on access to land, credit,
income and other resources. The most readily avail-
able income indicator – per capita income – has
wide national coverage. But the presence of non-
tradable goods and services and the distortions
from exchange rate anomalies, tariffs and taxes
make per capita income data in nominal prices not
very useful for international comparisons. Such
data can, however, be improved by using purcha-
УСиМ, 2014, № 6 69
sing power-adjusted real GDP per capita figures,
which provide better approximations of the rela-
tive power to buy commodities and to gain com-
mand over resources for a decent living standard.
A further consideration is that the indicator
should reflect the diminishing returns to transfor-
ming income into the human capabilities. In other
words, people do not need excessive financial re-
sources to ensure a decent living. This aspect was
taken into account by using the logarithm of real
GDP per capita for the income indicator.
All three measures of human development suf-
fer from a common failing: they are averages that
conceal wide disparities in the overall population.
Different social groups have different life expectan-
cies. There often are wide disparities in male and
female literacy. And income is distributed unevenly.
The average value of the literacy, life expec-
tancy and other indicators can be similarly ad-
justed. There is a great deal of technical literature
on the subject, but the basic approach is simple. If
inequality is seen as reducing the value of average
achievement as given by an unweighted mean,
that average value can be adjusted by the use of
inequality measures. Such distributional correc-
tions can make a significant difference to evalua-
tions of country performance. The Gini coeffi-
cient, probably, is the most widely used measure
of income inequality.
The conceptual and methodological problems
of quantifying and measuring human development
become even more complex for political freedom,
personal security, interpersonal relations and the
physical environment. But even if these aspects
largely escape measurement now, analyses of the
human development must not ignore them. The
correct interpretation of the data on quantifiable
variables depends on also keeping in mind the
more qualitative dimensions of human life. Spe-
cial effort must be undertaken for developing a
simple quantitative measure to capture the many
aspects of human freedom.
The first two indicators – life expectancy and
adult literacy – are commonly used concepts. But
the third the purchasing power to buy commodi-
ties for satisfying basic needs – is not as well un-
derstood. The GNP figures typically used for in-
ternational comparisons do not adequately account
for national differences in purchasing power or the
distorting effect of official exchange rates. To
overcome these inadequacies, it is necessary to
use here the purchasing–power–adjusted GDP es-
timates developed in the International Price Com-
parison Project, a collaborative effort of the UN
Statistical Office, the World Bank, EUROSTAT,
OECD, ECE and ESCAP, now being expanded by
USAID. And since there are diminishing returns
in the conversion of income into the fulfilment of
human needs, the adjusted GDP per capita figures
have been transformed into their logarithms.
The human development index
People do not isolate the different aspects of
their lives. Instead, they have an overall sense of
well-being. That is why it is important to construct
a composite index of human development. Past
efforts to devise such an index have not come up
with a fully satisfactory measure. They have fo-
cussed either on income or on social indicators,
without bringing them together in a composite in-
dex. Since human beings are both the means and
the end of development, a composite index must
capture both these aspects.
The human development index captures the
three essential components of human life -
longevity, knowledge and basic income for a de-
cent living standard. Longevity and knowledge
refer to the formation of human capabilities, and
income is a proxy measure for the choices people
have in putting their capabilities to use.
The breakthrough for the HDI was the creation
of a single statistic which was to serve as a frame of
reference for both social and economic develop-
ment. The HDI sets a minimum and a maximum for
each dimension, called goalposts, and then shows
where each country stands in relation to these
goalposts, expressed as a value between 0 and 1.
The education component of the HDI is now
measured by mean of years of schooling for adults
aged 25 years and expected years of schooling for
children of school entering age. Mean years of
schooling is estimated based on educational attain-
ment data from censuses and surveys available in
the UNESCO Institute for Statistics database. Ex-
pected years of schooling estimates are based on
70 УСиМ, 2014, № 6
enrolment by age at all levels of education and
population of official school age for each level of
education. Expected years of schooling are capped
at 18 years. The indicators are normalized using a
minimum value of zero and maximum values are set
to the actual observed maximum value of mean
years of schooling from the countries in the time
series, 1980–2012, that is 13,3 years estimated for
the United States in 2010. Expected years of school-
ing are maximized by its cap at 18 years. The educa-
tion index is the geometric mean of two indices.
The life expectancy at birth component of the
HDI is calculated using a minimum value of 20
years and maximum value of 83,57 years. This is
the observed maximum value of the indicators
from the countries in the time series, 1980–2012.
Thus, the longevity component for a country where
life expectancy birth is 55 years would be 0,551.
For the wealth component, the goalpost for
minimum income is $100 (PPP) and the maximum
is $87,478 (PPP), estimated for Qatar in 2012 [4].
Purchasing power parity (PPP) is an economic
theory and a technique used to determine the rela-
tive value of currencies, estimating the amount of
adjustment needed on the exchange rate between
countries in order for the exchange to be equiva-
lent to (or on par with) each currency's purchasing
power. It asks how much money would be needed
to purchase the same goods and services in two
countries, and uses that to calculate an implicit
foreign exchange rate. Using that PPP rate, an
amount of money thus has the same purchasing
power in different countries.
The decent standard of living component is
measured by Gross National Income (GNI) per
capita (PPP$) instead of GDP per capita (PPP$)
The HDI uses the logarithm of income, to reflect
the diminishing importance of income with in-
creasing GNI. The scores for the three HDI di-
mension indices are then aggregated into a com-
posite index using geometric mean.
The HDI facilitates instructive comparisons of the
experiences within and between different countries.
Indicators of country performance
To assess human development it is important to
consider several indicators separately -life expec-
tancy at birth, mortality of children under five years
of age, female and male literacy, and nutritional
status, especially that of children. But good time
series are also rare for many of these indicators.
Another option – the one chosen here – is to se-
lect an indicator that has fairly comprehensive time
series data and that correlates closely with other in-
dicators of human development. The under-five
mortality rate meets both these requirements. The
extensive empirical evidence suggests that reduc-
tions in the under-five mortality rate usually reflect
improvements in nutrition particularly that of preg-
nant women, infants and children – as well as
achievements in education, especially female lite-
racy. Estimates of life expectancy, in turn, are
strongly influenced by under-five mortality rates,
particularly in developing countries.
The long-run trends in under-five mortality rates
thus provide a useful indicator of changes inhuman
development. But these rates refer primarily to
changes on only one side of the human development
equation – the formation of human capabilities.
They do not capture the use of human capabilities.
The investment rate is an important determi-
nant of growth, but there is considerable uncer-
tainty about how much extra growth comes from
more investment. To sustain growth, countries
should aim to maintain the investment rate at
15%to 20% of GDP.
Even more important is the rate of technical
change, associated with science, technology and the
development of human capabilities. So, promoting
human development is important not only in itself
but also as a critical input to the growth process.
The policy environment is important for the ef-
ficient use of investment resources and for adapt-
ing to changing world conditions in ways that
permit the sustained growth.
As with growth, the literature on the determi-
nants of income distribution is vast and complex,
but it has produced two general conclusions about
the better distribution of primary income that does
so much for improving human development [5].
Good asset distribution, which for developing
countries usually means good land distribution, is
also important. A study of alternative development
strategies over the past 30 years found that a good
distribution of primary income was invariably asso-
УСиМ, 2014, № 6 71
ciated with fairly equal land distribution. Countries
that have had a land reform – China, the Republic of
Korea and the Democratic Republic of Korea – have
reduced poverty and inequality quite considerably.
Most countries that have not – such as Brazil and the
Philippines – continue to have large numbers of
people living in poverty, even when they have
managed high rates of economic growth [6].
Rapid expansion of productive employment
opportunities is essential for spreading incomes
throughout the population.
Growth with equity is the optimal combination
for generating good macro conditions needed to
achieve human development objectives. Despite
much controversy on the appropriate policy envi-
ronment, there is an agreement that the essentials
for equitable growth comprise sensible and flexi-
ble use of prices to reflect opportunity costs, the
opening of market systems, supportive policies to-
wards investment, technology and human resources
and policies for distributing assets and expanding
productive employment opportunities – with the
appropriate mix tailored to individual countries.
Participatory development starts with self-
reliance, which means people being able to take
care of themselves. To stress people's economic,
political and social self-reliance is not to argue
against state intervention in human development.
On the contrary, greater participation of all people
in the development process depends on carefully
designed government policies and programmes.
But government interventions in support of human
development should also encourage private initia-
tive in the broadest sense [7].
Summary. The combination of policies appro-
priate for a country depends in large part on the level
of income per capita, on the achievement in the hu-
man development and on the distribution of the as-
sets and income.
Little is known about how inputs relate to out-
puts in human development – for example, about
what combination of health services, education
and nutrition support bring about the best im-
provements in child mortality. Yet without this
knowledge, governments have difficulty in identi-
fying cost-effective and efficient policies. A com-
prehensive survey of micro studies in the socio-
logical, economic, medical, biological, and public
health fields would be a useful first step in devel-
oping production functions for human develop-
ment. Evidence from Western Europe, Japan, and
the most successful developing countries would
also help to increase knowledge about the optimal
sequencing of policies towards the social sectors.
Further research of conceptual issues of the hu-
man development is necessary for building adequate
models of development for groups of countries,
separate countries, and even different sectors within
a country. Thus, essential principles of human de-
velopment assessment set out in this paper will be
used for further research to model influence of mac-
roeconomic factors on the growth of the national
income as a component of the human development
index, to determine the most influential indicators
for every group of countries with the same human
development level, to build forecasts for HDI’s level
in Ukraine. Therefore, conclusions made in this arti-
cle are necessary to continue the extensive studies of
modeling of the human development.
1. Human Development Report 1990. Concept and Meas-
urement of Human Development. – http://hdr.undp.org/
en/reports/global/hdr1990
2. Human Development Report 2010. The Real Wealth of
Nations: Pathways to Human Development. – http://hdr.
undp.org/en/reports/global/ hdr2010
3. Human Development Report 2011. Sustainability and
Equity: A Better Future for All. – http://hdr.undp.org/en/
reports/global/hdr2011
4. Human Development Report 2013. Rise of South. –
http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2013
5. Тутова О.В. Концептуальні основи формування люд-
ського капіталу // Економіко-математичне моделю-
вання соціально-економічних систем: Зб. наук. пр. –
2012. – 17 – С. 119–129.
6. UNESCWA (United Nations Economic and Social Com-
mission for Western Asia). 2012. Summary of the Survey
of Economic and Social Developments in Western Asia,
2011–2012. – Beirut. – www.escwa.un.org/information/
publications/edit/upload/E_ESCWA_EDGD_12_1_
e.pdf. – Accessed 30 Apr. 2012.
7. Adelman I., Taft-Morris C. Economic Growth and Social
Equity in Developing Countries. – Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1973.
Поступила 15.09.2014
Тел. для справок: +38 044 528-2321 (Киев)
E-mail: sir_ludovick@yahoo.com
© O.В. Тутова, 2014
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| id | nasplib_isofts_kiev_ua-123456789-83541 |
| institution | Digital Library of Periodicals of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine |
| issn | 0130-5395 |
| language | English |
| last_indexed | 2025-12-07T15:14:45Z |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publisher | Міжнародний науково-навчальний центр інформаційних технологій і систем НАН та МОН України |
| record_format | dspace |
| spelling | Tutova, O.V. 2015-06-20T10:59:17Z 2015-06-20T10:59:17Z 2014 Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level / O.V. Tutova // Управляющие системы и машины. — 2014. — № 6. — С. 65-71. — Бібліогр.: 7 назв. — англ. 0130-5395 https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/83541 364.2:331 Рассмотрены и обобщены подходы к измерению развития человека с помощью его синтетического индекса. Проведен анализ способов определения достижений разных стран в этой области. Исследованы количественные и качественные методы сравнения. The approaches to the human development measurement with help of the synthetic human development index are considered and generalized. The various ways to define the achievements of different countries in this field are analyzed. The quantitative and qualitative methods to compare the human development levels in the different countries are examined. Розглянуто і узагальнено підходи до вимірювання розвитку людини за допомогою синтетичного індексу. Проведено аналіз засобів визначення досягнень різних країн у цій царині. Досліджено якісні та кількісні методи порівняння. en Міжнародний науково-навчальний центр інформаційних технологій і систем НАН та МОН України Управляющие системы и машины Экономико-математическое моделирование Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level Концептуальные основы оценки уровня развития человека Концептуальні основи оцінки рівня розвитку людини Article published earlier |
| spellingShingle | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level Tutova, O.V. Экономико-математическое моделирование |
| title | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level |
| title_alt | Концептуальные основы оценки уровня развития человека Концептуальні основи оцінки рівня розвитку людини |
| title_full | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level |
| title_fullStr | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level |
| title_full_unstemmed | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level |
| title_short | Conceptual Fundamentals of Assessment of a Human Development Level |
| title_sort | conceptual fundamentals of assessment of a human development level |
| topic | Экономико-математическое моделирование |
| topic_facet | Экономико-математическое моделирование |
| url | https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/handle/123456789/83541 |
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